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In a pathbreaking study of a major state prison, Michigan's Jackson State Penitentiary during the middle years of this century, Charles Bright addresses several aspects of the history and theory of punishment. The study is an institutional history of an American penitentiary, concerned with how a carceral regime was organized and maintained, how prisoners were treated and involved in the creation of a regime of order and how penal practices were explained and defended in public. In addition, it is a meditation upon punishment in modern society and a critical engagement with prevailing theories of punishment coming out of liberal, Marxist and post structuralist traditions. Deploying theory critically in a historic narrative, it applies new, relational theories of power to political institutions and practices. Finally, in studying the history of the Jackson prison, Bright provides a rich account, full of villains and a few heroes, of state politics in Michigan during a period of rapid transition between the 1920s to the 1950s . The book will be of direct relevance to criminologists and scholars of punishment, and to historians concerned with the history of punishment and prisons in the United States. It will also be useful to political scientists and historians concerned with exploring new approaches to the study of power and with the transformation of state politics in the 1930s and 1940s. Finally Bright tells a story which will fascinate students of modern Michigan history.

Drawing on dozens of interviews with inmates, former prisoners, and prison officials, Joan Petersilia convincingly shows us how the current system is failing to help the enornmous numbers of jailed Americans reenter society. Unwilling merely to sound the alarm, Petersilia explores the harsh realities of prisoner reentry and offers specific solutions to prepare inmates for release, reduce recidivism, and restore them to full citizenship, while never losing sight of the demands of public safety.

Numerous Michigan prisons emerged as national hotspots early in the coronavirus crisis. Once the virus entered the prisons, key actions and inaction by Michigan Department of Corrections and Governor Gretchen Whitmer allowed COVID-19 to flourish unabated, resulting in unnecessary infection and death; a form of cruel and unusual punishment. The callous neglect of the human rights of prisoners during the pandemic is not new, but rather the result of decades of punitive sentencing policies that disproportionately target people of colour. Through a case study examination of early coronavirus outbreaks in Michigan prisons, this paper will consider how Truth in Sentencing legislation, increasingly long prison sentences and declining parole rates, helped set the stage for coronavirus to spread, disproportionately harming Black and elderly prisoners. As the intersecting crises of coronavirus and mass incarceration exemplify, state crime scholars can no longer ignore the state-organized race crime occurring behind prison walls.

The prevalence of human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) in correctional facilities is much higher than in the general population. However, HIV prevention resources are limited, making it important to evaluate different prevention programs in prison settings. Our study presents the cost-effectiveness of offering HIV counseling and testing (CT) to soon-to-be-released inmates in US prisons. A decision model was used to estimate the costs and benefits (averted HIV cases) of HIV testing and counseling compared to no CT from a societal perspective. Model parameters were HIV prevalence among otherwise untested inmates (1%); acceptance of CT (50%); risk for HIV transmission from infected individuals (7%); risk of HIV acquisition for uninfected individuals (0.3%); and reduction of risk after counseling for those infected (25%) and uninfected (20%). Marginal costs of testing and counseling per person were used (no fixed costs). If infected, the cost was $78.17; if uninfected, it was $24.63. A lifetime treatment cost of $186,900 was used to estimate the benefits of prevented HIV infections. Sensitivity and threshold analysis were done to test the robustness of these parameters. Our baseline model shows that, compared to no CT, offering CT to 10,000 inmates detects 50 new or previously undiagnosed infections and averts 4 future cases of HIV at a cost of $125,000 to prison systems. However, this will save society over $550,000. Increase in HIV prevalence, risk of transmission, or effectiveness of counseling increased societal savings. As prevalence increases, focusing on HIV-infected inmates prevents additional future infections; however, when HIV prevalence is less than 5%, testing and counseling of both infected and uninfected inmates are important for HIV prevention.

This article examines public attitudes about using for-profit firms or nonprofit organizations to deliver public services in Michigan. Using survey data, it shows how the public reacts to the privatization of various state and local government services. It then considers some dimensions of attitudes toward privatization. Finally, it estimates models that predict support for privatization based upon a range of characteristics of respondents to our survey.

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Those who champion the representation of blacks on the bench argue that black judges may make a difference. Indeed, some suggest that increasing the proportion of black judges might result in more equitable treatment of black and white defendants. In this study we test these expectations. Using data on defendants charged with violent felonies, we compare the sentencing decisions of black and white judges in Detroit. We find remarkable similarities and conclude that judicial race has relatively little predictive power. More important, we find that both black and white judge sentence black offenders more severely than white offenders. Our results raise questions about the appropriate interpretation of racial disparity in incarceration rates and suggest that the harsher treatment of black offenders cannot be attributed to the racism of white judges.

During Prohibition (1920-1933), Jewish gangsters became major operatives in the American underworld and played prominent roles in the creation and extension of organized crime in the United States. At the time, Jewish gangs dominated illicit activities in a number of America's largest cities, including Cleveland, Detroit, Minneapolis, Newark, New York, and Philadelphia. One of the more notorious of these all-Jewish mobs was Detroit's Purple Gang. The gang dealt in bootlegging, gambling, extortion, drugs, and murder, and developed a reputation for being more ruthless than Al Capone's mob in Chicago. The Purple's decade-long reign of terror ended when most of the gang's members either went to prison or were murdered by rivals.