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For South Koreans, the twenty years from the early 1960s to late 1970s were the best and worst of times--a period of unprecedented economic growth and of political oppression that deepened as prosperity spread. In this masterly account, Carter J. Eckert finds the roots of South Korea's dramatic socioeconomic transformation in the country's long history of militarization--a history personified in South Korea's paramount leader, Park Chung Hee.-- Provided by publisher.

This sweeping new assessment of Civil War monuments unveiled in the United States between the 1860s and 1930s argues that they were pivotal to a national embrace of military values. Americans' wariness of standing armies limited construction of war memorials in the early republic, Thomas J. Brown explains, and continued to influence commemoration after the Civil War. As large cities and small towns across the North and South installed an astonishing range of statues, memorial halls, and other sculptural and architectural tributes to Civil War heroes, communities debated the relationship of military service to civilian life through fund-raising campaigns, artistic designs, oratory, and ceremonial practices. Brown shows that distrust of standing armies gave way to broader enthusiasm for soldiers in the Gilded Age. Some important projects challenged the trend, but many Civil War monuments proposed new norms of discipline and vigor that lifted veterans to a favored political status and modeled racial and class hierarchies. A half century of Civil War commemoration reshaped remembrance of the American Revolution and guided American responses to World War I. Brown provides the most comprehensive overview of the American war memorial as a cultural form and reframes the national debate over Civil War monuments that remain potent presences on the civic landscape.

The present article is a theoretical study about the permanence and spread processes in the social body, regarding the security policies, of the elements that were forged in the long history of our Brazilian territory, from the time of the colonial invasion, emphasizing the contradictions in the military-business dictatorship, and the contradiction between the militarization of the social question and the struggle for the guarantee of human rights today. From the reflections of critical or radical criminology and the analysis of the role of sciences in a materialist-historical and dialectical perspective, this study sought to highlight the processes of construction of the figure of the internal enemy today qualified as “delinquent”, as well as the unfolding of the constitution of processes of criminalization in certain modes of sociability and subjectivities. In this sense, it is understood that psychology, as a science and profession, has the task of positioning itself before the expressions of social inequality, seeking to unveil the historical determinations and the relation with the totality from which emerge such contexts. O presente artigo contempla um estudo teórico sobre os processos de permanência e de alastramento no corpo social, no tocante às políticas de segurança, dos elementos que se forjaram na história longa de nosso território brasileiro, desde a época da invasão colonial, dando ênfase ao acirramento de suas contradições na ditadura empresarial-militar e à contradição posta entre a militarização da questão social e a luta pela garantia dos direitos humanos na atualidade. A partir das reflexões da criminologia crítica ou radical e da análise do papel das ciências numa perspectiva materialista-histórico e dialética, buscou-se evidenciar os processos de construção da figura do inimigo interno hoje qualificado como “delinquente”, bem como os desdobramentos da constituição de processos de criminalização em determinados modos de sociabilidade e de subjetividades. Nesse sentido, compreende-se que à Psicologia, como ciência e profissão, cabe a tarefa de posicionar-se frente às expressões da desigualdade social buscando desvelar as determinações históricas e a relação com a totalidade da qual emergem tais contextos. El presente artículo contempla un estudio teórico sobre los procesos de permanencia y de extensión en el cuerpo social, en lo que se refiere a las políticas de seguridad, de los elementos que se forjaron en la larga historia de nuestro territorio brasileño, desde la época de la invasión colonial, dando énfasis al crecimiento de sus contradicciones en la dictadura empresarial-militar, y la contradicción entre la militarización de la cuestión social y la lucha por la garantía de los derechos humanos en la actualidad. A partir de las reflexiones de la criminología crítica o radical y del análisis del papel de las ciencias bajo una mirada materialista-histórica y dialéctica, se buscó evidenciar los procesos de construcción de la figura del enemigo interno hoy calificado como “delincuente”, así como los desdoblamientos de la constitución de procesos de criminalización en determinados modos de sociabilidad y de subjetividades. En ese sentido, se comprende que a la psicología, como ciencia y profesión, cabe la tarea de posicionarse frente a las expresiones de la desigualdad social buscando desvelar las determinaciones históricas y la relación con la totalidad de la cual emergen tales contextos.

Although a growing body of research suggests that the constabularization of the military for domestic policing is counterproductive, this increasingly prevalent policy has nonetheless enjoyed widespread support in the developing world. This study advances our understanding of the consequences of militarization for perceptions of law enforcement: whether visual features shape perceptions of effectiveness, respect for civil liberties, proclivity for corruption and acceptance of militarization in one's own neighborhood. Based on a nationally representative, image-based, conjoint experiment conducted in Mexico, the authors find that military weapons and uniforms enhance perceptions of effectiveness and respect for civil liberties, and that the effect of military uniform becomes greater with increased military presence. The study also finds that gender shapes perceptions of civil liberties and corruption, but detects no effect for skin color. The findings suggest that a central feature of militarization linked to greater violence – military weapons – is paradoxically a key factor explaining favorable attitudes, and that women can play a crucial role in improving perceptions of law enforcement.

In the early 20th century, police departments across America’s cities enhanced their infrastructural power by adopting various tactical, operational, and organizational innovations. Based upon a nested cross-city analysis of qualitative and quantitative data, including a negative binomial regression analysis of the determinants of militarization, this study reveals that these innovations constituted an early form of militarization resulting from imperial feedback. Local police borrowed tactics, techniques, and organizational templates from America’s imperial-military regime that had been developed to conquer and rule foreign populations. Imperial feedback occurred as a result of imperial importers, many of them veterans of America’s imperial-military apparatus, who constructed analogies between colonial subjects abroad and racialized minorities at home. The study identifies an early form of police militarization, reveals the imperial origins of police militarization, and offers a potentially transportable theory of imperial feedback that stands as one among other possible routes to police militarization.

The increasingly visible presence of heavily armed police units in American communities has stoked widespread concern over the militarization of local law enforcement. Advocates claim militarized policing protects officers and deters violent crime, while critics allege these tactics are targeted at racial minorities and erode trust in law enforcement. Using a rare geocoded census of SWAT team deployments from Maryland, I show that militarized police units are more often deployed in communities with large shares of African American residents, even after controlling for local crime rates. Further, using nationwide panel data on local police militarization, I demonstrate that militarized policing fails to enhance officer safety or reduce local crime. Finally, using survey experiments—one of which includes a large oversample of African American respondents—I show that seeing militarized police in news reports may diminish police reputation in the mass public. In the case of militarized policing, the results suggest that the often-cited trade-off between public safety and civil liberties is a false choice.

In recent years, the killing of suspects by police and the \"militarization\" of police have drawn considerable public attention, but there is little analysis of a relationship between the two. In this article, I investigate the possibility that such militarization may lead to an increase in suspect deaths using data on police receipt of surplus military equipment to measure militarization and a newly created database on suspect deaths in all fifty states quarterly from the fourth quarter of 2014 through the fourth quarter of 2016. The data consist of more than eleven thousand agency-quarter observations. I find a positive and significant association between militarization and the number of suspects killed, controlling for several other possible explanations.

Growing techno-geopolitical uncertainty affects international business in many ways, calling for more scholarly attention to its causes and multinational enterprise (MNE) responses. The United States CHIPS and Science Act epitomizes the country’s recent embrace of techno-nationalism in its economic rivalry with China, which has major implications for IB scholarship and management practice. The Act exhibits two features that fly against America’s traditional liberal policy stance of championing an open and rules-based multilateral system. First, its reliance on subsidies, export control, and investment screening signifies departure from free trade and from market-based industrial policies. Second, its use of guardrail provisions pursues the weaponization of global value chains for geopolitical and geo-economic purposes. We view the Act as a showcase of a paradigm shift from market-oriented liberalism to intervention-oriented techno-nationalism, heralding a new era of zero-sum thinking and geopolitical prioritization. By examining the broader trend of techno-nationalism, we explore the distinct features of the Act and analyze the geo-strategies that MNEs need to adopt in response to the resulting techno-geopolitical uncertainty. Our analysis highlights the paradigm shift in policymaking, identifies the root causes of this shift, and examines the potential pitfalls it may create. To navigate this uncertain landscape, we suggest four strategic responses for MNEs: geo-strategies, reconfiguration, resilience, and corporate diplomacy.