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To investigate the grammatical constraints of code-switching (CS hereafter) under the disputes of the constraint-based account versus the constraint-free account, the effects of functional category on CS have long been investigated in the existing studies. Thus, the present study, by asking 47 participants to take part in an eye-movement experiment, examined the potential effects of functional category on Chinese-English CS. We found that differential switch costs at varying code-switched conditions as well as robust switch effects that last from the early to the late stage. The findings could tentatively give rise to the theoretical predictions of the minimalist program, a representative of the constraint-free account rather than the functional head constraint, a typical representative of the constraint-based account. Moreover, such switch effects might initiate from the early to the very late stage in terms of time-course of CS processing.

This book puts forth a novel syntactic and semantic analysis of wh-questions based upon in-depth study of the Tlingit language, an endangered and under-documented language of North America. A major consequence of this new approach is that the phenomenon classically dubbed pied-piping does not actually exist. The book begins by arguing that wh-fronting in Tlingit does not involve a syntactic relationship between interrogative C and the wh-word. Rather, it involves a probe/Agree relation between C and an overt ‘Q-particle’ (or ‘Q’) c-commanding the wh-word. Fronting of the wh-word in Tlingit is thus a mere by-product of fronting the QP projected by this Q. Given the strong similarity between the wh-constructions of Tlingit and those of more widely studied languages, this ‘Q-based’ analysis is applied to a range of other languages. Regarding so-called pied-piping structures, the Q-based theory provides an analysis in which the very concept of ‘pied-piping’ is eliminated from the theory of grammar. Furthermore, the account provides an especially minimal semantics for pied-piping structures, in which no mechanisms are needed beyond those required for simple wh-questions. Finally, the Q-based theory is able to capture certain constraints on pied-piping, as well as aspects of its variation across languages. Beyond its treatment of pied-piping, the Q-based theory also yields a novel syntax and semantics for multiple wh-questions that ties the presence of Superiority Effects to the absence of Intervention Effects. Furthermore, the account predicts a previously unnoticed Intervention Effect in English pied-piping structures. Finally, the Q-based theory provides a novel account of the ill-formedness of P-stranding and left branch extractions in many of the world’s languages.

A view of the locality conditions on vowel harmony, aligning empirical phenomena within phonology with the principles of the Minimalist program. Vowel harmony results from a set of restrictions that determine the possible and impossible sequences of vowels within a word. The study of syntax begins with the observation that the words of a sentence cannot go in just any order, and the study of phonology begins with the same observation for the consonants and vowels of a word. In this book, Andrew Nevins investigates long-distance relations between vowels in vowel harmony systems across a range of languages, with the aim of demonstrating that the locality conditions that regulate these relations can be attributed to the same principle that regulates long-distance syntactic dependencies. He argues that vowel harmony represents a manifestation of the Agree algorithm for feature-valuation (formulated by Chomsky in 2000), as part of an overarching effort to show that phonology can be described in terms of the principles of the Minimalist program. Nevins demonstrates that the principle of target-driven search, the phenomenon of defective intervention, and the principles regulating the size of the domain over which dependencies are computed apply to both phonological and syntactic phenomena. Locality in Vowel Harmony offers phonologists new evidence that viewing vowel harmony through the lens of relativized minimality has the potential to unify different levels of linguistic representation and different domains of empirical inquiry in a unified framework. Moreover, Nevins's specific implementation of the locality of dependencies represents a major advance in understanding constraints on possible harmonic languages.An online tool on the MIT Press Web site demonstrates the algorithm for calculating vowel harmony with the derivations exemplified in the book.

This book introduces generative grammar as an area of study, asking what it tells us about the human mind. It lays the foundation for the unification of modern generative linguistics with the philosophies of mind and language. It introduces Chomsky's program of a ‘minimalist’ syntax as a novel explanatory vision of the human mind. It explains how the Minimalist Program originated from work in cognitive science, biology, linguistics, and philosophy, and examines its implications for work in these fields. It also considers the way the human mind is designed when seen as an arrangement of structural patterns in nature, and argues that its design is the product not so much of adaptive evolutionary history as of principles and processes that are historical and internalist in character. The book suggests that linguistic meaning arises in the mind as a consequence of structures emerging on formal rather than functional grounds. From this, the book substantiates an unexpected and deeply unfashionable notion of human nature. It also provides an insight into the nature and aims of Chomsky's Minimalist Program.

This book explores the view that impoverishment and Agree operations are part of a single grammatical component. The architecture set forth here gives rise tocomplex but highly systematic interactions between the two operations. This interaction is shown to provide a unified and general account of apparentlydiverse and unrelated intances of eccentric argument encoding that so far haveremained elusive to a unified theoretical account. The proposed view of the grammatical architecture achieves an integration of these phenomena withinbetter-studied languages and thus gives rise to a more general theory of caseand agreement phenomena. The empirical evidence on the basis of which the proposal is developed drawsfrom a wide range of typologically non-related languages, including Basque, Hindi, Icelandic, Itelmen, Marathi, Nez Perce, Niuean, Punjabi, Sahaptin, Selayarese, Yukaghir, and Yurok . The proposal has far-reaching consequences for the study of grammatical architecture, linguistic interfaces, derivational locality in apparently non-local dependencies and the role of functional considerations in formal approaches tothe human language faculty.

This study critically examines Kitahara and Seely's (2024) proposal for deriving the Duality of Semantics?the distinction between propositional and clausal domains? through a strengthened version of Minimal Yield (MY) and a expanded definition of Accessibility. Their framework, refining Chomsky's (2023a) box system, eliminates the explicit distinction between External Merge (EM) and Internal Merge (IM), arguing that IM occurs only once to delineate the two thought domains. While this approach reduces reliance on stipulative distinctions, it raises some conceptual challenges, including the fixed composition of the workspace (WS), the necessity of IM, and look-ahead problems inherent in finite WS configurations. To address these issues, we propose an EM-only system that eliminates IM entirely, thereby simplifying derivation while adhering to minimalist principle. In this system, both arguments and non-arguments are introduced via EM, remaining accessible to phase heads for interface interpretation. By employing dynamic lexical selection during derivation, this approach avoids look-ahead problems and aligns with the Markovian property of syntactic computation, which excludes reliance on prior stages of derivation. The EM-only system, independent of IM, offers a simpler, more parsimonious framework for syntactic theory while maintaining the capacity to account for diverse syntactic phenomena.

Unlike wh-question questions in Standard Arabic (SA), which received much attention in the past decades in different approaches within generative grammar, question particles (yes-no questions) in SA have not yet been studied thoroughly in minimalist syntax, and less attention has been paid to them. There is a need to analyze SA question articles and explore their syntactic behavior within minimalism. The reason why this topic has been selected for study is that SA question particles have not been investigated in detail yet in Chomsky’s Phase Theory; it has not been analyzed how question particles are derived and represented morpho-syntactically in a clause structure. Therefore, this study aims to investigate the morpho-syntax of SA question particles and provide satisfactory answers to the following questions: (i) Do question particles in SA undergo any syntactic movement to [Spec-CP] in the derivation of yes-no questions? If not, why?, (ii) Are question particles based-generated in [Spec-CP]?, and (iii) How can question particles be accounted for neatly in Chomsky’s Phase-based Theory? The paper adopts Chomsky’s Phase Theory to examine the interaction between the assumptions of this theory and the SA data on question particles. The study findings reveal that, unlike English, question particles in SA do not undergo any syntactic movement while deriving yes-no questions and are assumed to be base-generated in [Spec-CP]. Such question particles are not part of the verb morphology and are merely morphological affixes used as devices to mark interrogativity in the syntax; they do not carry any agreement and tense features that trigger syntactic movement to the clause-initial position.

The problem of creeping minimalism concerns how to tell the difference between metaethical expressivism and its rivals given contemporary expressivists’ acceptance of minimalism about truth and related concepts. Explanationism finds the difference in what expressivists use to explain why ethical language and thought has the content it does. I argue that two recent versions of explanationism are unsatisfactory and offer a third version, subject matter explanationism. This view, I argue, captures the advantages of previous views without their disadvantages and gives us a principled and general characterisation of non-representational views about all kinds of language and thought.

The sign language phenomenon that some scholars refer to as “agreement” has triggered controversial discussions among sign language linguists. Crucially, it has been argued to display properties that are at odds with the notion of agreement in spoken languages. A thorough theoretical investigation of the phenomenon may thus add to our understanding of the nature and limits of agreement in natural language. Previous analyses of the phenomenon can be divided into three groups: (i) gesture-based non-syntactic analyses, (ii) hybrid solutions combining syntactic and semantic agreement, and (iii) syntactic accounts under which agreement markers are reanalyzed as clitics. As opposed to these accounts, we argue in this paper that sign language agreement does represent an instance of agreement proper, as familiar from spoken language, that is fully governed by syntactic principles. We propose an explicit formal analysis couched within the Minimalist Program that is modality-independent and only involves mechanisms that have been independently proposed for the analysis of agreement in spoken language. Our proposal is able to capture the (apparent) peculiarities of sign language agreement such as the distinction of verb types (only some verbs show agreement), the behavior of backwards verbs (verbs displaying agreement reversal), and the distribution of the agreement auxiliary. However, we suggest that the combination of mechanisms is modality-specific, that is, agreement in sign language, and in German Sign Language in particular, involves modality-independent ingredients, but uses a modality-specific recipe which calls for a (somewhat) unusual combination of independently motivated mechanisms.