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This study uses a boundary design and propensity score methods to study the effects of the 1930s-era Home Owners Loan Corporation (HOLC) “redlining” maps on the long-run trajectories of urban neighborhoods. The maps led to reduced home ownership rates, house values, and rents and increased racial segregation in later decades. A comparison on either side of a city-level population cutoff that determined whether maps were drawn finds broadly similar conclusions. These results suggest the HOLC maps had meaningful and lasting effects on the development of urban neighborhoods through reduced credit access and subsequent disinvestment.

Exploiting complete census manuscript files, we derive a new segregation measure using the racial similarity of next-door neighbors. The fineness of our measure reveals new facts not captured by traditional segregation indices. First, segregation doubled nationally from 1880 to 1940. Second, contrary to prior estimates, Southern urban areas were the most segregated in the country and remained so over time. Third, increasing segregation in the twentieth century was not strictly driven by urbanization, black migration, or white flight: it resulted from increasing racial sorting at the household level. In all areas—North and South, urban and rural—segregation increased dramatically.

In a narrative framed by Harvey Molotch’s growth machine thesis, this article examines the globalisation of property in gateway cities, and its contribution to house price inflation in Vancouver, the least affordable market in North America. In response to a floundering British Columbia (BC) economy, a favourable investment and immigration climate welcomed capital and invited capitalists to re-locate their economic skills. Substantial funds flowed to Vancouver from the buoyant Asia Pacific, from distant investors and wealthy immigrants. Capital flows were facilitated by a powerful growth coalition, as the provincial government benefited significantly from these funds, and held a common interest with a vigorous trans-Pacific property industry. Supporting this growth coalition, the deregulation of private institutions and the under-resourcing of public agencies working in the capital/real estate nexus provided an ecology favourable to the ‘animal spirits’ of the market, including real estate opportunism and money laundering. Such a growth ecology, exacerbating severe unaffordability, may exist in other globally networked cities, though relations are rarely so well developed and so powerful in their effects. 本文的论述以哈维•莫洛奇（Harvey Molotch）的增长机器理论为框架，探讨门户城市的房地产全球化，及其对温哥华这一房价最超负担能力的北美市场房价上涨的贡献。为了应对苦苦挣扎的不列颠哥伦比亚省经济状况，该省营造了有利的投资和移民环境，欢迎资本的到来并鼓励资本家带着其经济技能前来。大量资金从繁荣的亚太地区、遥远的投资者和富裕的移民流向温哥华。强大的增长联盟促进了资本流动，省政府从这些资金中受益匪浅，并与蓬勃发展的跨太平洋房地产业有着共同利益。对私人机构的放松管制、以及在资本/房地产关系中工作的公共机构资源不足导致了一个鼓励市场“动物精神”的生态环境（包括房地产投机和洗钱），支持着这一增长联盟。这种增长生态进一步加剧了本已严重的房价超负担能力。其也可能存在于其他全球网络内的城市中，尽管此等关系很少如此成熟，影响如此强大。

During the Jim Crow era of 1877 to 1954, the federal government sponsored and supported the racially separate and unequal distribution of resources, including, but not limited to, education, housing, employment, and healthcare. On May 14, 1954, the Supreme Court ruled in Brown v. Board of Education that separate and unequal education violated the Constitution because separate is inherently unequal. Many believed that this ruling, the Civil Rights Acts of 1957, 1960, 1964, 1968, and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 would put an end to the unequal treatment of African Americans in the United States. However, inequalities still exist today because the ruling and the laws did not change the structures of the United States. Specifically, structural racism prevents African Americans from obtaining equal access to resources such as wealth, employment, income, and healthcare, resulting in racial disparities in health. Because racial disparities between African Americans and Caucasians are the most studied in the United States, this article will focus exclusively on how structural racism continues and causes racial inequalities between African Americans and Caucasians in wealth, employment, income, and healthcare, which lead to racial disparities in access to healthcare and health status.

Taking advantage of a unique event in American history, the Second Great Migration, we explore whether the rapid entry of African Americans into nearly exclusively White contexts triggered “racial threat” in White voting behavior in the state of California. Utilizing historical administrative data, we find that increasing proximity to previously White areas experiencing drastic Black population growth between 1940 to 1960 is associated with significant increases in aggregate White voter support for a highly racially-charged ballot measure, Proposition 14, which legally protected racial discrimination in housing. Importantly, we find that this result holds when restricting the analysis to all-White areas with high rates of residential tenure and low rates of White population growth. These latter findings indicate that this relationship materializes in contexts where a larger share of White voters were present during the treatment and exercised residential-choice before the treatment commenced, which is suggestive of a causal effect.

Purpose This study aims to make two major contributions. First, given the literature gap in housing unaffordability for different immigrant groups in Canada, it makes an essential contribution to the literature. To the best of the knowledge, this study is the first study of its kind to examine housing unaffordability by examining different immigrant groups. Second, differences in unaffordability can help understand the decline in welfare, as it can have financial implications and a negative impact on health outcomes. Third, this study’s findings are valuable for policy formulation to improve immigrant integration and ease the housing unaffordability crisis. Design/methodology/approach This study examines the determinants of housing affordability to investigate differences among various immigrant groups in Canada. A bivariate logit model using public microdata from the Canadian census estimates the determinants of moderate and severe unaffordability. Additionally, the separation of tenants and owners provides insights into the dynamics of unaffordability. The results show significant differences between immigrant groups with higher levels of unaffordability among Asian immigrants. The insights can help devise and implement housing assistance programs to address the challenges arising from the post-COVID-19 pandemic phase. Findings The results indicate that unaffordability declines with increasing age, education and full-time employment. Gender dynamics are evident, with women faring worse than men regarding the likelihood of extreme housing unaffordability. Households face a greater likelihood of unaffordability in more populous provinces and larger census metropolitan areas that struggle with the high cost of living, racial disparities and low income. Immigrants, especially from Asia, Africa and the Middle East, continue to struggle with chronic and severe unaffordability issues. The impact is much more severe for those renting, exemplifying the strain it is taking on the financial health of recent immigrants. Originality/value Given the literature gap in housing unaffordability for different immigrant groups in Canada, it makes an essential contribution to the literature. To the best of the knowledge, this study is the first study of its kind to examine housing unaffordability by examining different immigrant groups.

Place-based interventions are essential to addressing the social determinants of health, and housing settings are a foundational aspect of this approach.1 Increasing urbanization and higher-density housing reinforce the reality of coexistence in the built environment, yet public health has not yet fully capitalized on the social and spatial value of multiple-unit dwellings to promote health.The links between housing and health are well established, although the focus has been on environmental risks (i.e., mold, pest infestation, air quality, lead paint, ventilation) rather than leveraging residential settings as places that naturally connect people via a common address. Multiple-unit housing provides a platform to reach multigenerational populations in situ, thereby reducing barriers to participation in health-promoting activities and research initiatives. Vulnerable populations, including low-income groups and racial/ ethnic minorities, disproportionately reside in multiple-unit housing, and thus such settings serve as critical sites to target difficult-to-reach populations affected by health disparities. Recent research initiatives suggest that residential settings are promising venues for health promotion and public health impact. Here, I outline the potential strengths and drawbacks of expanding the scope of venue-based health promotion to the housing sector.

Purpose This paper aims to present a panel data econometric model of the main determinants of house prices in the ten largest census metropolitan areas (CMA) in Ontario, Canada, for the years 2001, 2006 and 2011. The impact of immigration on the housing market in Canada is little researched; however, immigration plays an important role into the economy of Canada. According to Statistics Canada, not only is immigration key to Canada’s population growth but also without immigration, in the next 20 years, Canada’s population growth will be zero. The motivation for this study is the bursting of housing bubbles in some developed countries (e.g. USA). The authors analyze variables that are related to the immigration policy in Canada, accounting also for the impact of the interest rate, income, unemployment, household size and housing supply to analyze housing price determinants. The study investigates the magnitude of the impact of the top three leading categories of immigrants to Canada, namely, Chinese, Indian and Filipino, on the housing prices in Ontario’s largest cities. The results show the main factors that explain home prices over time that are interest rate, immigration, unemployment rate, household size and income. Over the 10-year period from 2001 to 2011, immigration grew by 400 per cent in Toronto CMA, the largest receiving area in Ontario, while the nonimmigrant population grew by 14 per cent. For Toronto CMA, immigrants, income, unemployment rate and interest rate explain the CA$158,875 average home price increase over the 2001-2011 time period. Out of this, the three categories of immigrants’ share of total home price increase is 54.57 per cent, with the corresponding interest rate share 58.60 per cent and income share 11.32 per cent of the total price growth. Unemployment rate contributes negatively to the housing price and its share of the total price increase is 24.49 per cent. Design/methodology/approach The framework for the empirical analysis applies the hedonic pricing model theory to housing sales prices for the ten largest CMAs in Ontario over the years 2001-2011. Following Akbari and Aydede (2012) and O’Meara (2015), market clearing in the housing market results in the housing price as a function of several housing attributes. The authors selected the housing attributes based on data availability for the Canadian Census years of 2001, 2006 and 2011 and the variables that have been most used in the literature. The model has the average housing prices as the dependent variable, and the independent variables are: immigrants per dwelling (Chinese, Indian, and Filipino), unemployment rate, average employment income, household size, housing supply and the interest rate. To capture the relative scarcity of dwellings, the independent variable immigrants per dwelling was used. Findings This study seems to suggest that one cause of high prices in Ontario is large inflows of immigrants together with low mortgage interest rate. The authors focused their attention on Toronto CMA, as it is the main destination of immigrants and comprises the largest cities, including Toronto, Mississauga, Brampton and Oakville. Looking over the 10-year period from 2001 to 2011, the authors can see the factors that impact the home prices in Toronto CMA: immigration, unemployment rate, household size, interest rate and income. Over the period of 10 years from 2001 to 2011, immigrants’ group from China, India and the Philippines account for CA$86,701 increase in the home price (54.57 per cent share of the total increase). Income accounts for CA$17,986 increase in the home price (11.32 per cent share); interest rate accounts for CA$93,103 of the average home price increase in Toronto CMA (58.60 per cent share); and unemployment rate accounts for CA$38,916 decrease in the Toronto average home prices (24.49 per cent share). Household size remain stable over time in Toronto (2.8 average household size) and does not have a contribution to home price change. All these four factors, interest rate, immigrants, unemployment rate and income, together explain CA$158,875 increase in home prices in Toronto CMA between 2001 and 2011. Practical implications The housing market price analysis may be more complex, and there may be factors impacting the housing prices extending beyond immigration, interest rate, income and household size. Finally, the results of this paper can be extended to include the most recent census data for the year 2016 to reflect more accurately the price situation in the housing market for Ontario cities. Social implications The fact that currently, in 2017, the young working population cannot afford buying a property in the Toronto CMA area means there is a problem with this market and a corresponding decrease in the quality of life. According to The Globe and Mail (July 2017), a new pool in 2017 suggested that two in five Canadians believe housing in this country is not affordable for them. Further, 38 per cent of respondents who consider themselves middle or upper class believe in no affordability of housing. The Trudeau Government promised Canadians a national housing strategy for affordable housing. Designing a national housing strategy may be challenging because it has to account for the differential income ranges across regions. Municipal leaders are asking the government to prioritize repair and construct new affordable housing. Another reason discussed in the media of the unaffordability of housing in Toronto and Vancouver is foreign buyers. The Canadian Government recently implemented a tax measure on what it may seem the housing bubble problem: foreign buyers. Following Vancouver, in April 2017, Ontario Government imposed a 15 per cent tax on foreign buyers who are not Canadian citizens or permanent residents. This tax is levied on houses purchased in the area stretching from Niagara Region and Greater Toronto to Peterborough. Originality/value Few studies use Canadian data to explain house prices and analyze the effect of immigration on housing prices. There is not much research on the effect of the immigrants and immigrants’ ethnicity (e.g., Chinese, Indian and Filipino immigrants), on the housing prices in Canada cities. This study investigates the impact of the most prevalent immigrant races (e.g., from China, India and the Philippines) on housing prices, using data for Canadian major cities in Ontario within a panel data econometric framework. This paper fills this gap and contributes to the literature, which analyzes the determinants of housing prices based on a panel of cities in the Canadian province of Ontario.