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\"Framed is a wake-up call for those who think that race does not matter in Canada. Pushing the field of Canadian political science in new directions, this groundbreaking work combines an empirical analysis of print media with in-depth interviews of elected officials, former candidates, political staffers, and journalists to reveal the connections between race, media coverage, and politics in Canada. As Erin Tolley shows, overt racism rarely occurs on the pages of Canadian newspapers, but assumptions about race and diversity often influence media coverage. Consequently, as reporters go about selecting which political issues and events to cover, who to quote, and how to frame stories to make them resonate with the public, they give visible minorities less prominent and more negative media coverage than their white counterparts. Further, visible minority politicians are more likely to be portrayed as products of their socio-demographic backgrounds, as uninterested in pressing policy issues, and as less electorally viable. The resulting news coverage weakens Canada's commitment to a robust, inclusive democracy. The problem is systemic, but Tolley offers recommendations to politicians, pundits, journalists, and the public for challenging the racial assumptions that underpin news coverage. By drawing attention to the ways in which race continues to matter, this book provides a new foundation for thinking about diversity and equality in Canada.\"-- Provided by publisher.

With examples from the lives of immigrant girls and women of colour, this book uncovers how racism, sexism, and violence interweave deep within the foundations of our society.

This book shows how, in the post-9/11 era, Arab Canadians have become \"targeted transnationals\" through racialized immigration and security policies as well as negative media representations that legitimize their homogenization and racialization.

What does the media coverage of a crisis situation reveal about the nature of dominant-minority relations locally, regionally, and nationally? Sandra Lambertus asks this question of the media coverage of the largest RCMP operation in Canadian history - the 1995 Gustafsen Lake Native Indian standoff. Drawing from extensive newspaper, television, and radio news products, legal and law enforcement documents, ethnographic interviews with 26 journalists, as well as RCMP, and Native leaders, Lambertus examines the construction and national dissemination of vilifying stereotyped portrayals of Native people. The ethnographic component pushes the standard of media analysis, bringing to light previously unconsidered aspects of media representations of minorities: media and law enforcement processes, frameworks of the news makers, face presentation strategies, information control, and exchange relations in news-gathering. The investigation shows how the values and perspectives of local communities, media, and law enforcement became overshadowed by 'outsiders' during the course of the event and the serious effects of the media coverage on specific audiences and ultimately, Canadian society. The study culminates with an assessment of the structural elements that contributed to the damaging media portrayals: media bias, competition, cooperation, empowerment, and cultural misperceptions.Wartime Images, Peacetime Woundsopens new avenues for studies of minorities in the news and for the study of news media in general.

This paper presents an analysis of the referendum on Native land claims that took place in British Columbia (BC) in the spring of 2002. The province's Liberal Government claimed that the referendum was needed in order to secure a public mandate for a set of negotiating principles that would breath new life into the supposedly stalled treaty process. Drawing evidence from government press releases, politicians' statements and media coverage, we argue that the BC Government and its supporters employed a discourse centred on neo‐liberal economic logic in order to justify the exercise. Furthermore, we charge that this discourse relies on an erasure of the historical–geographical contexts of Native–newcomer relations in the province. By drawing on Cindi Katz's socio‐spatial metaphor of ‘topographies’, we suggest that Native space in British Columbia needs to be understood as a series of situated and grounded experiences of colonialism and capitalist production. Then, extending the metaphor, we highlight the ways in which the referendum supporters' rhetoric contains a vision of future topographies of Native experience that adhere to the private property ethic of neo‐liberal economics. We conclude that the politics surrounding the treaty process must be understood as a contest over the terms of Aboriginal citizenship and not merely as a conflict over the allotment of land and resources. Cette communication présente une analyse du référendum sur les traités avec les Autochtones en Columbie–Britannique qui s'est fait au printemps de l'année 2002. Le gouvernement libéral prétendait que ce référendum était nécessaire pour obtenir un mandat public pour les principes qui allaient guider l'approche gouvernementale de la négociation des traités, un processus apparemment calé. Avec une examination des communiqués de presse du gouvernement, des déclarations des politiciens et de la revue de presse, nous plaidons que le gouvernement de la C‐B et les adhérents ont justifié leur position par un discours qui place au centre la logique économique néolibérale. En plus, ce discours nécessite l'effacement des contextes historiques et géographigues des relations Autochtones‐nouveaux venus dans la province. Selon la métaphore socio‐spatiale des ≪ topographies ≫ de Cindi Katz, il faut comprendre l'espace Autochtone en C‐B comme série des événements situés et fondés du colonialisme et de la production capitaliste. En suite, avec une extension de la métaphore, nous mettons l'accent sur les manières dans lesquels la rhétorique des adhérents du référendum renferme une vision des topographies de la connaissance Autochtone qui s'attache à l'éthique de la propriété privée de l'économique néolibérale.

The vibrant ethnocultural press in the Greater Toronto Area is a testament to the multicultural reality of a metropolitan area where visible minorities are expected to be the majority by 2031. The GTA's ethnocultural and racialized communities are served by more than 200 newspapers, many of them published in languages other than English or French. What role do these publications play in shaping how ethnic and racialized groups \"see\" each other? This case study examines how other groups are portrayed in the Chinese-language daily newspaper Ming Pao . With the exception of members of the White community, it concludes that other racial and ethnic groups are represented only to a limited extent and that, in some cases, they are also misrepresented. La presse ethnoculturelle dynamique de la région de Toronto témoigne de la réalité multiculturelle de la zone métropolitaine où on prévoit que les minorités visibles seront majoritaires d'ici 2031. Les communautés ethnoculturelles et racialisées de la région de Toronto ont accès à plus de 200 journaux, dont plusieurs sont publiés dans des langues autres que l'anglais ou le français. Quel est le rôle de ces publications sur leur perception mutuelle les unes des autres? Dans cette étude, nous examinons comment le quotidien Ming Pao de langue chinoise dépeint d'autres groupes ethniques. Nous concluons que, à l'exception de la communauté blanche, les autres groupes ethniques et raciaux y sont peu et même, dans certains cas, faussement représentés.

Ethnic minorities have insisted that media images of their constituents reveal an unrelenting negativity in their portrayal. Media researchers have pointed to the negative depictions of ethnic minorities in a variety of studies (Tator 1999; Fleras 1995; Miller 1994; Ungerleider 1991). In studies emerging in the 1970s, researchers in Canada have consistently pointed out that the media \"stagnate... on race-specific and culture conscious characterizations of people\" (Wong 1977:269). Canadian media continue to rely on both negative and stereotypical depictions of ethnic minorities (Roth 1996; Media Watch 1994; Fleras 1994; Zolf 1989). Fleras (1994) has explained how ethnic minority images in Canadian media are consistently stereotypical ones, \"steeped in unfounded generalizations that veer towards the comical or grotesque\" (Fleras 1994:273), where the examples of ethnic minorities as \"social problems\" are routinely employed: namely, as pimps, high-school dropouts, homeless teens, or drug pushers in Canadian dramatic series. As he puts it, \"The media rely on minorities as... a foil for sharpening the attributes of mainstream heroes, a catalyst for driving plot lines or character development, or a token dash of colour to an otherwise pallid cultural package\" (Fleras and Kunz 2001:155). Fleras makes the crucial note that ethnic minorities are rarely represented as people who have something important to say -- instead, their \"lived experiences [are] reduced to the level of an 'angle'... for spicing up plot lines\" (Fleras 1995:6). The ex-media critic for the Globe and Mail, John Haslett Cuff, has commented that on television, images of black Canadians on television are often limited to roles of villains or victims, or buffoons and folksy sitcom types (Cuff 1990; see also Daley 1997). 11. Several media researchers observe the need to examine discourses about ethnic minorities that prevail in newsrooms in Canada. Unfortunately, few of us have had the opportunity to conduct interviews with media workers, primarily because of the difficulty in acquiring access and because many media workers have expressed concerns over confidentiality (Mahtani 2001a). More than any other area, researchers insisted the importance of anchoring studies about ethnic minority representation through a situated analysis of organizational and behavioural practices within the media's sites of production. In interviews with media researchers, it was suggested that we go straight \"to the source\"-- the media organizations themselves -- in order to better comprehend why these negative portrayals proliferate. We need to extend existing studies by interviewing media professionals, especially journalists, to understand the mechanisms through which distorted and stereotypical representations are produced. Who makes decisions around media representations of minorities? What is the relationship between institutional representation and media representation of minorities? Are ethnic minorities involved in the production of these images? Does it make a difference if there are more ethnic minorities working in media production, or are they effectively silenced in the newsroom, as some suggest (Mahtani 2001a; Henry and Tator 2000; Henry 1999). In other words, what are the experiences of media workers of colour? A media researcher suggested \"focusing upon the experiences of minority newsmakers who work in relatively homogeneous workplaces... does the question of ethnic identity figure more strongly for minority media practitioners than for white practitioners?\" John Miller recommended conducting a study similar to his own 1994 analysis of institutional representation of minorities. Others agreed, proposing quantitative analysis projects that would help us acquire more statistics on the number of minorities behind the scenes at various media organizations. One media worker asked: \"How many senior executives, programers, directors, editors, etc. are visible, ethnic, religious minorities? Assuming that these numbers are small, how do we change them?\"

This paper argues that, in its reporting of Miloszewski, the print media supported legislative measures to denounce racially motivated hate, while at the same time supporting and advancing softer versions of racism by individualizing and pathologizing the actions of the perpetrators. Instead of reporting about the offence within its broader socio-cultural context, the print media explained (away) the incident by suggesting that it was linked to the pathological behaviour of aberrant skinheads. In the process, the print media contributed to the contradictory and confounding understanding of racism in Canadian society by explaining (away) the incident as an individual aberration with no correlation to the broader social processes that give rise to and support racism and racially motivated hatred. This one-dimensional account of the crime suggests that consumers of newspaper coverage of Miloszewski receive their information about subparagraph 718.2(a)(i) - and racially motivated crime - through a limited perspective that ignores the issue of systemic racism, and that this phenomenon contributes to a contradictory, bifurcated understanding of racism in Canada. The first section of the paper illustrates how print media coverage of Miloszewski supports statutory measures to combat hate through its positive portrayal of subparagraph 718.2(a)(i) of the Criminal Code of Canada, which directs judges to consider bias motivation as an aggravating sentencing circumstance.(2) This first stage analysis includes a quantitative account of the various newspaper items related to Miloszewski and the sources used by the print media to animate the story (i.e., who said what). (Throughout this paper the term, \"item,\" is used to refer to the various newspaper articles, editorials and letters to the editor that help construct the media account of Miloszewski.) Examining news sources is important to the understanding of who the \"authorized knowers\" (cf. Ericson, et al, 1991), or \"knowledge gatekeepers,\" are that help construct the story or decide what aspects of the event are newsworthy. The media coverage of Miloszewski begs the question of whether the public associates the aggravating sentencing circumstance with sensational and individual acts of racial violence, as opposed to the broader problem of hate-motivated acts. Moreover, how do the media report less sensational hate-motivated crimes, if at all? How do the media report hate-motivated acts that are related to issues of gender or sexual orientation? Whatever the specifics may be, newspaper consumers of Miloszewski received their information through a sensationalistic and one-dimensional account of the crime. This suggests that future research should monitor not only media coverage of the aggravating sentencing circumstance, but the full spectrum of hate-motivated incidents, thereby exploring how the media characterizes this legislation and whether they continue to report about hate-motivated acts in conflicting and one-dimensional manners.