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This article examines the coalition-building efforts of the Quad and AUKUS through the lens of strategic signaling, arguing that minilateral coalitions employ signaling tactics through various means to achieve a common goal. The case studies of Quad and AUKUS demonstrated differences in their strategic signaling. However, their goals are carefully formulated. This article uses discourse analysis to find that the Quad signaled an ambitious “Free and Open Indo-Pacific” as a positive force for the region’s security and prosperity. AUKUS, on the other hand, signaled military cooperation as a balance of power amidst an assertive China. While minilateralism is growing in the 21st-century multipolar world, this article examines how these emerging trends of issue-based coalitions, flexible alignments, and informal alliances create avenues for like-minded countries to strengthen capacity-building measures.   

The paper explores the role of the European Union (EU) in the war in Ukraine, from the run-up of the war to its impact on the EU’s future structure and functions, within Europe and globally. It begins with an account of the condition of the EU before the war, which it describes as overextended and stagnant with respect to the EU’s proclaimed finalité, the “ever closer union of the peoples of Europe.” Next, it recounts the use of the EU in early American attempts to include Ukraine in the East European enlargement of NATO, with EU membership as a reward for Ukrainian Westernization. To the EU leadership, this presented an opportunity to revive older, by then largely failed attempts at supranational unification and centralization, by offering to the United States to serve as its transatlantic base for its Ukrainian strategy. Following this, the paper explores the consequences for the EU and its stronger member states of the impending American withdrawal from the Ukrainian war theater, as the US turns to its conflict with China. The final section discusses the conditions under which Europe, the European states, and the EU can hope for some kind of strategic and political autonomy in the emerging new New World Order.

This article examines the coalition-building efforts of the Quad and AUKUS through the lens of strategic signaling, arguing that minilateral coalitions employ signaling tactics through various means to achieve a common goal. The case studies of Quad and AUKUS demonstrated differences in their strategic signaling. However, their goals are carefully formulated. This article uses discourse analysis to find that the Quad signaled an ambitious “Free and Open Indo-Pacific” as a positive force for the region’s security and prosperity. AUKUS, on the other hand, signaled military cooperation as a balance of power amidst an assertive China. While minilateralism is growing in the 21st-century multipolar world, this article examines how these emerging trends of issue-based coalitions, flexible alignments, and informal alliances create avenues for like-minded countries to strengthen capacity-building measures.

El presente trabajo postula que bajo la crisis mundial causada por la pandemia de la Covid-19 subyace una crisis económica-financiera, derivada de un continuo de múltiples prácticas especulativas financieras en un entorno multipolar asimétrico y propulsor de desigualdades globales y locales. Dos importantes elementos examinados son la financiarización y el consumismo cuyo entorno causal ha estado influenciado y entreverado con los patrones de gobernanza y gobernabilidad locales e internacionales impulsados por los intereses y hegemonía de las empresas transnacionales y multinacionales (TM). Metodológicamente, proponemos una investigación explicativa sobre estas empresas, así como acerca de la multipolaridad, gobernanza y gobernabilidad. La evidencia analizada confirma que subyacente a la crisis sanitaria se encuentra una crisis económico-financiera estructural cuyos desequilibrios y abusos profundizan la crisis de la Covid-19.

A partir de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, las potencias vencedoras comenzaron un proceso de construcción de un nuevo orden internacional, que posteriormente fue configurando la unipolaridad estadounidense como centro de gravedad global. Este nuevo orden se tradujo en el peso que obtuvieron los paí­ses centrales en los organismos internacionales de carácter polí­tico y económico. La crisis financiera global, desatada en 2008, significó un quiebre en las relaciones de fuerza internacionales, generó una parálisis en las economí­as centrales y, paralelamente, un proceso de crecimiento económico y articulación polí­tica de las economí­as emergentes agrupadas en los “BRICS”. Este trabajo pretende ser un aporte a los estudios sobre el estado del mundo en el Siglo XXI, a partir de la recopilación y análisis de los estudios teóricos precedentes y, a su vez, plantear algunas consideraciones propias organizadas en dos ejes fundamentales: por un lado, el proceso de transnacionalización de la economí­a global y de consolidación de la unipolaridad estadounidense y, por el otro, la crisis financiera de 2008 y el análisis de las condiciones particulares de los paí­ses emergentes desde la perspectiva multipolar. Los resultados pretenden convertirse en objeto de debate a efectos de realizar nuevas miradas de las perspectivas sociológicas sobre los aspectos socio-territoriales globales.

The article explores the expanding role of BRICS+ in the reconfiguration of the global order, with a particular focus on Africa and Latin America within a multipolar international system. As of 2025, BRICS+ has seen a significant increase in its membership, marked by the inclusion of countries like Egypt, Ethiopia, Cuba, and Bolivia. This expansion signals a shift in global geopolitics, with emerging economies playing a more prominent role in decision-making processes. This article argues that BRICS+, through its diversification of membership, offers a crucial platform for cooperation among developing countries and has the potential to reshape global power structures, moving away from the dominance of traditional Western powers. One of the main points emphasized in the article is the growing influence of Africa within BRICS+, particularly with the expanded participation of African countries, now constituting 30% of the BRICS+ membership. This demographic shift allows Africa to play a more critical role in key developmental areas such as migration, resource management, human capital development, and trade liberalization. The article highlights the importance of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) in the ongoing dialogue around South-South cooperation and trade liberalization. According to South Africa’s Finance Minister, Enoch Godongwana, South Africa will defend AfCFTA’s principles within the expanded BRICS+ group, suggesting that there is an opportunity to enhance cooperation between BRICS+ and regional integration agreements. The role of Africa in BRICS+ is further explored through the strategic cooperation between major regional integration blocs like MERCOSUR (Brazil), the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (China, Iran), and the Gulf Cooperation Council (Saudi Arabia, UAE). The potential for integrating these regional players into the BRICS+ framework presents a new avenue for South-South cooperation. This cooperation could be key in advancing Africa’s economic and political influence in the global arena. The article also examines how the AfCFTA platform could act as a central player in facilitating trade and investment flows among BRICS+ countries and other developing regions. Given the increased representation of African countries in BRICS+, this development challenges the traditional Western-dominated liberal international order that has long treated peripheral countries primarily as sources of raw materials. Additionally, the inclusion of countries such as Egypt and Ethiopia in BRICS+ is presented as a strategic opportunity for Africa to reduce its dependency on the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and access alternative sources of funding. Egypt, for example, has faced a significant increase in its external debt in recent years, reaching over USD 168 billion by December 2023. The economic difficulties Egypt faces, including high inflation and rising poverty levels, have prompted the country to seek alternatives to IMF-backed policies, making BRICS+ membership a potential solution. With BRICS+, Egypt can diversify its financing options and reduce its reliance on the IMF, thereby mitigating its current economic crisis. The article also delves into Africa’s growing importance in terms of foreign direct investment (FDI). FDI in Africa reached USD 83 billion in 2021, with significant investments in sectors such as energy and mining. China, in particular, has been a prominent investor, contributing USD 7.35 billion in 2020, while European investments in Africa during the same period were a mere USD 223 million. Russia, too, has been involved in military-technical cooperation with 40 African countries, with China establishing its first overseas military base in Djibouti in 2017. This growing presence of foreign powers in Africa, particularly in the energy sector, underscores the region’s strategic importance in the global geopolitical landscape. As such, BRICS+ provides African countries with greater access to alternative sources of funding and trade opportunities, further reinforcing the continent’s role in global economic and political affairs. Turning to Latin America, the article outlines the importance of Brazil’s leadership in MERCOSUR and how this contributes to BRICS+’s broader strategy. MERCOSUR, comprising Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay, and Paraguay, has long sought to strengthen economic ties within Latin America and with other regional blocs. As Brazil assumes the rotating presidency of BRICS+, the country is using this position to push for greater South-South cooperation and global governance reform. One of the key areas of focus for Brazil is the creation of alternative payment mechanisms to the US dollar, thereby reducing dependence on traditional Western financial systems. Brazil’s leadership role in BRICS+ enables Latin America to shape discussions on global economic policies, thereby promoting greater integration among developing economies. However, the article also critiques the nature of BRICS+’s relationships with Africa and Latin America, particularly concerning the exploitation of natural resources. While BRICS+ has facilitated investment in infrastructure and resource extraction, these relationships often mirror the exploitative practices of the past, akin to the experiences of Latin America and the Caribbean. The article warns that if BRICS+ countries do not adopt more equitable policies in their dealings with developing nations, they risk perpetuating the dependency model that has long defined the global South’s relationship with the West. This creates a paradox where BRICS+ could serve as a counterbalance to Western powers but also risk reinforcing the same economic dynamics that have historically disadvantaged developing countries. The inclusion of Cuba and Bolivia in BRICS+ is another significant development discussed in the article. For Cuba, joining BRICS+ represents a critical opportunity to bypass the US-imposed economic blockade. Cuba’s strengths lie in its biotechnology sector, pharmaceutical production, and scientific and technological cooperation, areas where BRICS+ can offer significant benefits. Cuba’s participation in BRICS+ will not only provide access to new markets but also allow the country to negotiate with greater autonomy, reducing its reliance on the US dollar and creating new trade and investment opportunities. Bolivia’s entry as an associate member is framed as part of a broader strategy to strengthen ties with the Global South, further cementing its role in the emerging multipolar world. While the article acknowledges the potential of BRICS+ to provide an alternative to traditional power structures, it also points out that the relationships within the bloc are far from perfect. Although China and Russia have pushed for reforms in international investment regimes, the investment models employed by other BRICS+ members, particularly those with Latin American counterparts, often replicate traditional approaches. As the article notes, the economic relationships between BRICS+ and Latin America have primarily reinforced the region’s role as an exporter of raw materials, thus perpetuating the asymmetries of global trade. The article calls for a more inclusive and sustainable approach to development within BRICS+, one that fosters the diversification of economies and moves beyond the historical patterns of exploitation and dependence. The theoretical framework underpinning the article is rooted in the development theories of Raúl Prebisch and the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (CEPAL), which advocate for the industrialization and diversification of developing economies. These theories are used to criticize the traditional patterns of economic development that have favored Western powers and to highlight the potential for BRICS+ to foster a more autonomous and equitable global order. The article aligns with the broader goals of BRICS+ to challenge the liberal international order and promote a more balanced distribution of power and resources in the global economy. El artículo analiza la creciente influencia de BRICS+ en la reconfiguración del orden mundial, centrándose especialmente en el papel de África y América Latina en un sistema internacional multipolar. La expansión de BRICS+ en 2025, con la inclusión de países como Egipto, Etiopía, Cuba y Bolivia, refleja un cambio significativo en la geopolítica global, promoviendo una mayor participación de las economías emergentes en la toma de decisiones globales. El artículo destaca cómo África, con una mayor representación dentro de BRICS+ (30% de los miembros africanos), se beneficia de una creciente cooperación en áreas clave como la migración, la gestión de recursos naturales y la liberalización del comercio. Se menciona el potencial del Área Continental de Libre Comercio de África (AfCFTA) para facilitar una mayor integración económica y comercial entre los países africanos y otros bloques regionales, como MERCOSUR en América Latina. En América Latina, el artículo examina cómo MERCOSUR, liderado por Brasil, utiliza la plataforma BRICS+ para diversificar mercados y promover la integración económica, mientras trabaja en mecanismos alternativos de pago y cooperación Sur-Sur. El papel de Brasil en el grupo se destaca como esencial para la influencia de América Latina en las políticas globales. Sin embargo, el artículo también subraya que, a pesar de los avances, la relación con BRICS+ podría perpetuar patrones de dependencia económica, especialmente en la extracción de recursos naturales, lo que requiere políticas más equitativas y sostenibles para evitar una explotación similar a la vivida por América Latina en el pasado. El enfoque teórico-metodológico del artículo está basado en la teoría del desarrollo de Prebisch y la CEPAL, que abogan por la diversificación económica y la industrialización como claves para el progreso de los países en desarrollo. Se emplea un análisis crítico