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"Municipal government Jerusalem."
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Dividing Jerusalem
British administrators employed urban planning broadly in British colonies around the world, and British Mandate Palestine was no exception. This article shows how with a unique purpose and based on the promise of a Jewish homeland in Palestine, British urban planning in Jerusalem was executed with a particular colonial logic that left a lasting impact on the city. Both the discourse and physical implementation of the planning was meant to privilege the colonial power's Zionist partner over the indigenous Arab community.
Journal Article
Seizing Jerusalem
After seizing Jerusalem's eastern precincts from Jordan at the conclusion of the Six-Day War in 1967, Israel unilaterally unified the city and plunged into an ambitious building program, eager to transform the very meaning of one of the world's most emotionally charged urban spaces. The goal was as simple as it was controversial: to both Judaize and modernize Jerusalem.
Seizing Jerusalem, the first architectural history of \"united Jerusalem,\" chronicles how numerous disciplines, including architecture, landscape design, and urban planning, as well as everyone from municipal politicians to state bureaucrats, from Israeli-born architects to international luminaries such as Louis Kahn, Buckminster Fuller, and Bruno Zevi, competed to create Jerusalem's new image. This decade-long competition happened with the Palestinian residents still living in the city, even as the new image was inspired by the city's Arab legacy. The politics of space in the Holy City, still contested today, were shaped in this post-1967 decade not only by the legacy of the war and the politics of dispossession, but curiously also by emerging trends in postwar architectural culture.
Drawing on previously unexamined archival documents and in-depth interviews with architects, planners, and politicians, Alona Nitzan-Shiftan analyzes the cultural politics of the Israeli state and, in particular, of Jerusalem's influential mayor, Teddy Kollek, whose efforts to legitimate Israeli rule over Jerusalem provided architects a unique, real-world laboratory to explore the possibilities and limits of modernist design-as built form as well as political and social action.Seizing Jerusalemreveals architecture as an active agent in the formation of urban and national identity, and demonstrates how contemporary debates about Zionism, and the crisis within the discipline of architecture over postwar modernism, affected Jerusalem's built environment in ways that continue to resonate today.
eBook
Guizot's Absence of a Plan for Jerusalem
Historians have speculated over the existence of an 1841 plan by the French foreign minister François Guizot to internationalize Jerusalem as a Christian city, a plan holding major implications for the eventual emergence of a Jewish state and for European-Ottoman relations. This article aims, based on fresh archival and other sources, to provide a definitive evaluation of Guizot's plan, its scope, and its motivations. It broadens the field to encompass other great power plans mooted in 1841, including plans of a Protestant yet Zionist flavour, and it reassesses the political weight of early nineteenth-century European religious impulses with regard to Palestine.
Journal Article
Menachem Begin and “Basic Law: Jerusalem, Capital of Israel”
Upon the conclusion of the Camp David Conference in September 1978, Prime Minister Begin sent a letter to President Carter, in which he reviewed the process of applying the jurisdiction and administration of the State of Israel to those parts of Jerusalem that had been occupied by Jordan prior to the 1967 Six-Day War. He declared that united Jerusalem is the capital of Israel and so it shall be forever. In Begin’s view, after this letter there was no need to enact the “Basic Law: Jerusalem, Capital of Israel”. However, when opposition MK Geula Cohen presented her bill to the Knesset Begin saw no other way but to support the bill he believed was unnecessary; otherwise, it might be interpreted as if he withdrew his position regarding the status of Jerusalem. Domestic politics added another aspect, which pushed Begin and his cabinet to approve a bill they did not want.
Journal Article
Jerusalem: Conflict and Cooperation in a Contested City
Jerusalem is one of the most contested urban spaces in the world. It is a multicultural city, but one that is unlike other multi-ethnic cities such as London, Toronto, Paris, or New York. This book brings together scholars from across the social sciences and the humanities to consider how different disciplinary theories and methods contribute to the study of conflict and cooperation in modern Jerusalem. Several essays in the book center on political decision making; others focus on local and social issues. While Jerusalem’s centrality to the Israeli Palestinian conflict is explored, the chapters also cover issues that are unevenly explored in recent studies of the city. These include Jerusalem’s diverse communities of secular and orthodox Jewry and Christian Palestinians; religious and political tourism and the “heritage managers” of Jerusalem; the Israeli and Palestinian LGBT community and its experiences in Jerusalem; and visual and textual perspectives on Jerusalem, particularly in architecture and poetry. Adelman and Elman argue that Jerusalem is not solely a place of contention and violence, and that it should be seen as a physical and demographic reality that must function for all its communities.
eBook
Jerusalem as an Israeli Problem—A Review of Forty Years of Israeli Rule over Arab Jerusalem
In the wake of the June 1967 war Israel annexed Jordanian Jerusalem and adjoining territories, creating a single municipality with a large Palestinian Arab minority. After forty years Jerusalem is still a frontier city. In this article I show how and why Israel failed to achieve its goal to unite the Palestinian and Israeli cities. Consequently Israel developed several strategies to overcome her failure, ignoring the inability to achieve the unachievable goal. Therefore I argue for accepting the unavoidable partition of the city into separate Palestinian and Israeli municipalities due to its social, economic, and geographic realities.
Journal Article
