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Muslim marriages have been the focus of considerable public debate in Europe and beyond, in Muslim-majority countries as well as in settings where Muslims are a minority. Most academic work has focused on how the majority Sunni Muslims conclude marriages. This volume, in contrast, focuses on Twelver Shi'a Muslims in Iran, Pakistan, Oman, Indonesia, Norway, and the Netherlands. The volume makes an original contribution to understanding the global dynamics of Shi'a marriage practices in a wide range of contexts--not only its geographical spread but also by providing a critical analysis of the socio-economic, religious, ethnic, and political discourses of each context. The book sheds light on new marriage forms presented through a bottom up approach focusing on the lived experiences of Shi'a Muslims negotiating a diverse range of relationships and forms of belonging.

This book compares how different Islamic communities assert their authority to represent \"True Islam\" for Muslims living in Europe and how they cope with challenges from rivals with different interpretations and fields of activism. It focuses on five Islamic communities active among Muslims originating from Turkey that represent the spectrum from moderate to revolutionary Islamic opinions: representatives of \"official Islam\" (Diyanet), political Islamists (Milli Görü?), a mystical Sufi order (Süleymanl?), Turkish civil Islam (Gülen) and a movement seeking an Islamic revolution in Turkey (Kaplan). The research included twelve months of intensive ethnographic fieldwork among Turkish Muslims in Germany and the Netherlands.

This article evaluates the psychological processes, discursive practices, and sociopolitical mechanisms underlying the identity reconstruction of Muslim immigrant women in the United States and the Netherlands. Specifically, it focuses on the ways in which Muslim immigrant women who are embedded in both Islamic and Western cultures negotiate their traditional and modern identities and self-representations and construct a coherent self-narrative about their bicultural existence as \"Western-Muslim.\" The qualitative evidence presented here expands existing theoretical and empirical discussions on biculturalism and acculturation by demonstrating the ways in which contextual factors define the negotiation repertoire that is available to bicultural individuals. The findings of this article also call into question some of the earlier findings on cultural conflict hypothesis, because it shows that successful negotiation of bicultural identities depends not so much on whether the individual perceives these identities and cultures to be compatible with each other, but rather on the availability of a coherent self-narrative of belonging to both cultural worlds.

The headscarf is an increasingly contentious symbol in countries across the world. Those who don the headscarf in Germany are referred to as \"integration-refusers.\" In Turkey, support by and for headscarf-wearing women allowed a religious party to gain political power in a strictly secular state. A niqab-wearing Muslim woman was denied French citizenship for not conforming to national values. And in the Netherlands, Muslim women responded to the hatred of popular ultra-right politicians with public appeals that mixed headscarves with in-your-face humor. In a surprising way, the headscarf—a garment that conceals—has also come to reveal the changing nature of what it means to belong to a particular nation. All countries promote national narratives that turn historical diversities into imagined commonalities, appealing to shared language, religion, history, or political practice. The Headscarf Debates explores how the headscarf has become a symbol used to reaffirm or transform these stories of belonging. Anna Korteweg and Gökçe Yurdakul focus on France, Germany, and the Netherlands—countries with significant Muslim-immigrant populations—and Turkey, a secular Muslim state with a persistent legacy of cultural ambivalence. The authors discuss recent cultural and political events and the debates they engender, enlivening the issues with interviews with social activists, and recreating the fervor which erupts near the core of each national identity when threats are perceived and changes are proposed. The Headscarf Debates pays unique attention to how Muslim women speak for themselves, how their actions and statements reverberate throughout national debates. Ultimately, The Headscarf Debates brilliantly illuminates how belonging and nationhood is imagined and reimagined in an increasingly global world.

This book offers a cross-national analysis of judicial decisions and legislative action in three religiously pluralistic Western democracies-the United States, France, and the Netherlands-that shows how each balances individual rights with communal bonds and adheres to or retreats from human rights norms for women and religious practices.

Who are the Muslims in Europe? Who are the migrants in the various European countries? For example, 10 per cent of the 16.3 million Dutch population are immigrants; 886,000 of them, 5.5 per cent, are Muslims, mainly Moroccans and Turks; 60 per cent are under 35, compared to 40 per cent in the general Dutch population. Many of the allochtonen (immigrants) live in ‘the Muslim ghettos’ that nowadays surround the Dutch urban centres. So much of what tolerant Dutch society allows – the smoking of marijuana, showing nude women and men on public TV channels, legal gay marriage (the first country

The issue of multiculturalism has not suffered from neglect. Rather the reverse: it is not easy to find a political question that theorists, leaders of intellectual opinion & public officials have given more attention to over the last five years, except the Iraq war. I have come to believe, having just finished a nine year study of Muslims in the Netherlands, that the first is as mistaken an enterprise as the second, though less tragic. Adapted from the source document.

The Dutch second generation of Turkish and Moroccan origin is coming of age and making a transition from education to the labour market. This first publication of the TIES Project (Towards the Integration of the European Second Generation) studies the social situation and views of this ethnic group, drawing on the research carried out in Amsterdam and Rotterdam in 2006-07 among the Dutch-born children of immigrants from Turkey and Morocco and a comparison group of young people (age 18-35) whose parents were born in the Netherlands. This title is available in the OAPEN Library - http://www.oapen.org.

Sexuality features prominently in European debates on multiculturalism and in Orientalist discourses on Islam. This article argues that representations of gay emancipation are mobilized to shape narratives in which Muslims are framed as non-modern subjects, a development that can best be understood in relation to the 'culturalization of citizenship' and the rise of Islamophobia in Europe. We focus on the Netherlands where the entanglement of gay rights discourses with anti-Muslim politics and representations is especially salient The thorough-going secularization of Dutch society, transformations in the realms of sex and morality since the 'long 1960s' and the 'normalization' of gay identities since the 1980s have made sexuality a malleable discourse in the framing of 'modernity' against 'tradition'. This development is highly problematic, but also offers possibilities for new alliances and solidarities in lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgendered and questioning (LGBTQ) politics and sexual and cultural citizenship.

In this study, we set out to explain anti-Muslim attitudes in the Netherlands. Although the presence and immigration of Muslims have become widely discussed, there is little systematic evidence about the determinants underlying anti-Muslim attitudes. Using data from the Social and Cultural Developments in the Netherlands (SOCON) survey (2005, 2006), containing a more detailed measurement of anti-Muslim attitudes, we tested two contradictory mechanisms, derived from ethnic competition theory and intergroup contact theory. Results from hierarchical structural equation modelling indicate that the relative outgroup size induces both intergroup friendship contact as well as perceptions of ethnic threat. However, only the latter turned out to affect anti-Muslim attitudes directly. Moreover, our findings revealed that contact with colleagues belonging to ethnic minority groups reduces negative attitudes towards Muslims and mediates the effect of individuallevel determinants on anti-Muslim attitudes. The complementary nature of both ethnic competition theory and intergroup contact theory is illustrated by negative correlation between both mediating mechanisms, as well as the support for a curvilinear relationship between outgroup size and perceived ethnic threat.