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In terms of available cultural options, there was a disparity between Sudbury's elite, who could travel to Toronto for theatre, art galleries, and entertainment, and those of lesser means, who might more typically take in a sports game or engage in a night of heavy drinking in the bars, with their segregated \"Men Only\" and \"Ladies and Gents\" entrances.3 Consequently, the evolution of union halls, dance schools, summer camps, and sports teams spearheaded by the local over the years was the crucible for alternative forms of working-class culture in the community. Speaking to one another over the roar of a jackleg drill in the mines or the open fires of the smelters was made even more difficult by Inco's practice of pairing Ukrainians with Germans, Franco-Ontarians with Poles, and Brits with Italians for the explicit purpose of preventing workers from banding together to challenge the supervisors' frequent and grievous abuses of power. The cultural programs of mmsw Local 598 have attracted some scholarly attention, although little in comparison with the scholarship on the union itself.4 Mine-Mill's particular brand of social unionism was part of a larger pattern, sharing with other left-led unions in the early postwar years an effort to achieve broader social improvements beyond the parameters of the newly won legal framework governing industrial relations.5 Nevertheless, as the archival documents and images presented here indicate, mmsw Local 598 was exceptional in both the nature and the extent of its programming in the arts, culture, and sports for its members and their families. A spacious two-bedroom apartment, also on the hall's third floor, was home to the recreation director and his family, hired

Johnson, who had authored several books on farming, believed that motion pictures could be used to educate farmers who had no formal schooling.$ In the case of the omPB, the films were intended as \"educational work for farmers, school children, factory workers and other classes,\" and to \"give instruction in all branches of agriculture, etc., fruit growing.\" Screenings of the films of the OMPB were attended by a reported 100,000 during the two-week CNE in 1919.13 The province created an extensive distribution system to ensure its films were seen in various jurisdictions. Both bureaus used the non-flammable safety stock Pathé-Freres 28mm format in their productions, making it easier for them to be screened. [...]the expert announced, \"There will be 'text-films' as well as text-books.

Wentzell profiles Maurice Spector, who helped found the Communist Party of Canada, highlighting his essay on labor and the law in Canada. Spector served as the first Canadian member of the Executive Committee of the Communist International, and, after being ousted from the CPC, became a leading figure among Canadian Trotskyists. Yet, if relatively little has been published about Spector's life as a leftist, almost nothing is known of his life as a lawyer in Ontario in the 1930s. Fortunately, tucked inside Spector's file at the Law Society of Ontario is his 1932 law school essay \"Labour and the Law in Canada.\" The essay was written for the inaugural Wallace Nesbitt prize, a stand-alone writing contest, rather than for a course. It earned Spector third place and $25, and it provides a succinct summary of the state of the law at the height of the Depression as seen by one of Canada's most notable Marxist thinkers.

Keywords: J. B. McLachlan, Nova Scotia coal miners, workers' autobiographies, Communist International, Communist Party of Canada, Trevor Maguire Mots-clés : J. B. McLachlan, mineurs de charbon de la Nouvelle-Écosse, autobiographies ouvrières, Internationale communiste, Parti communiste du Canada, Trevor Maguire IN MOSCOW, AT THE OFFICES of the Executive Committee of the Communist International, it is 23 December 1931. A veteran leader of the coal miners in Nova Scotia, J. B. McLachlan, is filling out a questionnaire. There are some new details, and there is interest too in how McLachlan phrases some of the answers.2 This questionnaire is one of the documents that became available after the opening up of Soviet archives in the 1990s.3 A large body of material from several fonds in the Comintern Archives was filmed by Library and Archives Canada at the time, and this resource has been available to Canadian researchers.4 The material copied, however, did not include a series of \"personal files\" that are listed as part of the fonds for the Executive Committee of the Communist International.5 Nonetheless, several researchers have obtained individual files from this source.6 In October 2020, with the assistance of a researcher in Moscow, I made a request for eight files of interest to me. Here he seems to be implying that once he and his sisters were of a working age, their combined labours were sufficient to reduce the family's poverty.

Keywords: Labor-Progressive Party; Canadian Communism; 1956; Joseph Stalin; Nikita Khrushchev; 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union; Tim Buck; J.B. Salsberg; Norman Penner; Gui Caron; Anti-Semitism; Stanley B. Ryerson Mots-cles: Parti ouvrier-progressiste, communisme canadien, 1956, Joseph Staline, Nikita Khrouchtchev, 20 (e) congres du Parti communiste de l'Union sovietique, Tim Buck, J.B. Salsberg, Norman Penner, Gui Caron, antisemitisme, Stanley B. Ryerson

Keywords: Labor-Progressive Party; Canadian Communism; 1956; Joseph Stalin; Nikita Khrushchev; 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union; Tim Buck; J.B. Salsberg; Norman Penner; Gui Caron; Anti-Semitism; Stanley B. Ryerson Mots-cles: Parti ouvrier-progressiste, communisme canadien, 1956, Joseph Staline, Nikita Khrouchtchev. 20e congres du Parti communiste de l'Union sovietique, Tim Buck, J.B. Salsberg, Norman Penner, Gui Caron, antisemitisme, Stanley B. Ryerson

Harvey Murphy once quipped that he was the \"reddest rose in the garden of labor\" and for some, though far from all, Canadian labor movement veterans of the 1930s and 1940s, this was an apt description of one of the most mercurial yet almost forgotten Communist labor leaders of the 20th century. Alas, Murphy was no poetaster. Here, Verzuh examines the two poems about Murphy.

18. On 11 August 1931, police raided the offices and homes of key cpc officials in Toronto. The following day Cacic was arrested when he arrived at the headquarters of the Workers' Unity League. He was later tried as part of \"The Eight\" cpc officials under Section 98 of the Criminal Code (membership in an \"unlawful association\" and \"seditious conspiracy\"). Cacic received a two year sentence that he served at Kingston Penitentiary before being deported in 1934. He had just completed tours of South Slavic settlements in Sudbury, Kirkland Lake, [Schumacher-Timmins], Hamilton, and Windsor on behalf of the cpc and the cldl when he was arrested. During his arrest, the detective found credential letters on Cacic's body that were personally signed by the cpc's Executive Secretary Tim Buck and cldl's General Secretary Rev. A.E. [Albert E. Smith]. These letters of endorsement authorized Cacic to organize among South Slavic immigrants and urged cpc and cldl organizations to extend their assistance to him. Supreme Court of Ontario trial transcripts, Rex v. Buck et al., Exhibits 9 and 10, pp. 71-73, mg 28 IV4 (R3137-0-5-E), microfilm reel M-7412, cpc fonds, ao records, lac; \"Seventh Red Held; Ewan to Surrender, Counsel Announces,\" The Globe (Toronto), 13 August 1931; \"The Canadian Labor Defense League Grows!\" Labor Defender 2, 3 (July 1931). Following his deportation, several comrades assisted him in escaping to the Soviet Union where he went on to attend the Communist University of the National Minorities of the West. He volunteered to fight in Spain in 1936, escaped French internment in 1941 and joined Croatian anti-fascist forces during World War II. In 1943 he contracted tuberculosis, had a leg amputated and was bed-ridden for the duration of the war. He settled in Osijek after the war and occasionally wrote pieces in the South Slavic progressive press in Canada. Cacic's arrest in Toronto, his trial alongside high ranking cpc officials, his prison term in Kingston, and his deportation cemented his legendary status among Croatian and South Slavic communists and progressives in Canada. For more on Cacic see Rasporich, \"[Tomo Cacic],\" 86-94; Dennis G. Molinaro, \"'A Species of Treason?': Deportation and Nation- Building in the Case of Tomo Cacic, 1931-1934,\" The Canadian Historical Review 91 (2010): 61-85; Tomo Niksic, \"Zivotni put Tome Cacica: in memoriam\" [The life's path of Tomo Cacic: In memoriam], [Matica] (Zagreb), 11 (November 1969): 432.