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In terms of available cultural options, there was a disparity between Sudbury's elite, who could travel to Toronto for theatre, art galleries, and entertainment, and those of lesser means, who might more typically take in a sports game or engage in a night of heavy drinking in the bars, with their segregated \"Men Only\" and \"Ladies and Gents\" entrances.3 Consequently, the evolution of union halls, dance schools, summer camps, and sports teams spearheaded by the local over the years was the crucible for alternative forms of working-class culture in the community. Speaking to one another over the roar of a jackleg drill in the mines or the open fires of the smelters was made even more difficult by Inco's practice of pairing Ukrainians with Germans, Franco-Ontarians with Poles, and Brits with Italians for the explicit purpose of preventing workers from banding together to challenge the supervisors' frequent and grievous abuses of power. The cultural programs of mmsw Local 598 have attracted some scholarly attention, although little in comparison with the scholarship on the union itself.4 Mine-Mill's particular brand of social unionism was part of a larger pattern, sharing with other left-led unions in the early postwar years an effort to achieve broader social improvements beyond the parameters of the newly won legal framework governing industrial relations.5 Nevertheless, as the archival documents and images presented here indicate, mmsw Local 598 was exceptional in both the nature and the extent of its programming in the arts, culture, and sports for its members and their families. A spacious two-bedroom apartment, also on the hall's third floor, was home to the recreation director and his family, hired

Johnson, who had authored several books on farming, believed that motion pictures could be used to educate farmers who had no formal schooling.$ In the case of the omPB, the films were intended as \"educational work for farmers, school children, factory workers and other classes,\" and to \"give instruction in all branches of agriculture, etc., fruit growing.\" Screenings of the films of the OMPB were attended by a reported 100,000 during the two-week CNE in 1919.13 The province created an extensive distribution system to ensure its films were seen in various jurisdictions. Both bureaus used the non-flammable safety stock Pathé-Freres 28mm format in their productions, making it easier for them to be screened. [...]the expert announced, \"There will be 'text-films' as well as text-books.

Wentzell profiles Maurice Spector, who helped found the Communist Party of Canada, highlighting his essay on labor and the law in Canada. Spector served as the first Canadian member of the Executive Committee of the Communist International, and, after being ousted from the CPC, became a leading figure among Canadian Trotskyists. Yet, if relatively little has been published about Spector's life as a leftist, almost nothing is known of his life as a lawyer in Ontario in the 1930s. Fortunately, tucked inside Spector's file at the Law Society of Ontario is his 1932 law school essay \"Labour and the Law in Canada.\" The essay was written for the inaugural Wallace Nesbitt prize, a stand-alone writing contest, rather than for a course. It earned Spector third place and $25, and it provides a succinct summary of the state of the law at the height of the Depression as seen by one of Canada's most notable Marxist thinkers.

En 1726, l’ambassadeur français à Vienne, le duc de Richelieu, organisa une fete magnifique pour le seizième anniversaire du roi Louis XV Le divertissement comprenait une grande cantate dont le texte allégorique décrivait la renaissance du roi chaque année. Plusieurs copies du livret imprimé sont connues pour avoir survécu, mais jusqu’à récemment, aucune copie de la musique n’avait été identifiée. Une partie de la musique a été localisée dans le manuscrit numéroté 659 du Conservatoire de Bruxelles (B-Bc). Cette source a été préparée par un scribe viennois du début du XVIIIe siècle. Les copies du livret et du manuscrit musical identifient le compositeur de la cantate (Giuseppe Porsile) et le librettiste (Giovanni Claudio Pasquini). Le manuscrit musical fournit également les noms des chanteurs, la soprano Faustina Bordoni (Cybèle), le castrat alto Gaetano Orsini (le prêtre, Sacerdote) et la basse Christoph Praun (Jupiter). La musique d’environ un tiers de la cantate a survécu, notamment plusieurs récitatifs, trios et arias da capo. La cantate se termine par une “licenza” chantée par Cybèle. In 1726 the French ambassador to Vienna, the duc de Richelieu, hosted an elabornte party for the sixteenth birthday of King Louis XV. The entertainment included a grand cantata with an allegorical text that portrayed the rebirth of the king each year. Several copies of theprinted libretto are known to have survived, but until recently no copy of the music had been identified. A portion of the music has been located in the manuscript numbered 659 at the Brussels Conservatory (B-Bc). This source was prepared by an early eighteenth-century Viennese scribe. The copies of the libretto and the music manuscript identify the composer of the cantata (Giuseppe Porsile) and the librettist (Giovanni Claudio Pasquini). The music manuscript alsoprovides the names of the singers, the soprano Faustina Bordoni (Cybele), the alto castrato Gaetano Orsini (the priest, Sacerdote), and the bass Christoph Praun (Jupiter). Music for approximately one-third of the cantata survives, including semplice recitatives, trios, and da capo arias. The cantata concludes with a “licenza” sung by Cybele.

Keywords: J. B. McLachlan, Nova Scotia coal miners, workers' autobiographies, Communist International, Communist Party of Canada, Trevor Maguire Mots-clés : J. B. McLachlan, mineurs de charbon de la Nouvelle-Écosse, autobiographies ouvrières, Internationale communiste, Parti communiste du Canada, Trevor Maguire IN MOSCOW, AT THE OFFICES of the Executive Committee of the Communist International, it is 23 December 1931. A veteran leader of the coal miners in Nova Scotia, J. B. McLachlan, is filling out a questionnaire. There are some new details, and there is interest too in how McLachlan phrases some of the answers.2 This questionnaire is one of the documents that became available after the opening up of Soviet archives in the 1990s.3 A large body of material from several fonds in the Comintern Archives was filmed by Library and Archives Canada at the time, and this resource has been available to Canadian researchers.4 The material copied, however, did not include a series of \"personal files\" that are listed as part of the fonds for the Executive Committee of the Communist International.5 Nonetheless, several researchers have obtained individual files from this source.6 In October 2020, with the assistance of a researcher in Moscow, I made a request for eight files of interest to me. Here he seems to be implying that once he and his sisters were of a working age, their combined labours were sufficient to reduce the family's poverty.

This article presents an ethnographic study of the use of talismanic practices in the management of emotions in contemporary Northern Ethiopia. Here, the socially reprehensible emotions of jealousy and lust are contextualized within the Christian Orthodox system. I argue that such a study must lead to an exploration of how the materialization of the immaterial through the talisman is fundamentally problematic within the Orthodox context. Emotions are deemed reprehensible because of their close relationship to the body and the material. They signal an excess, an inability to contain, a loss of control over the schism that must divide mind and body. I ask the question: to what extent does the talisman function as a \"sub-system,\" managing emotions through witchcraft in parallel to the more normative systems within the Orthodox context? Cet article repose sur une étude ethnographique menée dans le nord de l'Éthiopie contemporaine. L'étude porte sur l'utilisation de pratiques talismaniques dans la gestion d'affects, comme par exemple la jalousie, la haine ou le désir, que le système religieux en place, celui de l'Église éthiopienne orthodoxe Tewahedo, juge socialement repréhensibles. Ils sont en effet, à ses yeux, trop liés au corps et à la sphère matérielle, signifiant un excès, une perte de contrôle de l'esprit sur le corps, détournant du divin et de l'immatériel. Matérialisation de l'immatériel, le talisman, créé à la demande d'un client et sous le sceau du secret par des praticiens qui se situent aux marges de l'Église, offre une issue à l'expression de tels affects. On peut alors se demander si, dans la gestion de ces derniers, les pratiques talismaniques ne constituent pas un « sous-système », fonctionnant, de manière occulte et par la sorcellerie, parallèlement au système officiel et normatif de l'Église.

As part of opposing Nigerian politicians' impunity, animosity and incompetence, Internet meme pictures were utilized on the politics thread of Nairaland.com, a Nigerian online community forum for engaging Nigerian societal issues. During Nigeria's 2015 electioneering, the People's Democratic Party (PDP) and the All Progressives Congress (APC) and their respective candidates, Goodluck Jonathan (GEJ) and Muhammadu Buhari (GMB), contested for the office of president, both claiming to be suited to effect new and positive changes within Nigeria's sociopolitical space. This narrative was naturally propagated in Nairaland discussions and meme pictures. Contestatory meme pictures, however, arose amidst Nairaland discussions to oppose this narrative, mimick, and ridicule it, instead condemning the candidates as corrupt and incompetent politicians. Twenty-one meme pictures have been selected through a non-participant observation of twenty discussions on the politics thread of Nairaland, during the electioneering period (the official presidential campaign dates) between October 2014 and January 2015. These are discussed using a critical discourse analysis (CDA) framework to examine the processes through which contesting issues of power are embedded within them. In showing how pictures become visual representatives (pictorial representations) of the different levels of political animosity and ineptitude exuded by Nigerian politicians, this paper thus reveals the protest value of Nairaland meme pictures in resisting the sociopolitical imbalances that characterize Nigeria's electioneering. Les images mèmes ont servi à contester l'impunité, l'animosité et l'incompétence des hommes politiques nigériens. Cet article analyse ces images « mèmes » (memes) utilisées sur le fil « politique » du forum Nairaland.com, une communauté en ligne engagée sur les questions sociales au Nigéria. Pendant les élections de 2015, le People's Democratic Party (PDP) et le All Progressives Congress (APC) ainsi que leurs candidats respectifs, Goodluck Jonathan (GEJ) et Muammadu Buhair (GMB), se débattaient pour la présidence, tous deux prétendant être le plus apte à effectuer des changements positifs dans l'espace sociopolitique. Ce discours a été repris dans des discussions sur Nairaland et par le biais d'images mèmes. Ces dernières ont mimé, ridiculisé, et accusé les deux candidats de corruption et d'incompétence. Vingt-et-une images mèmes ont été sélectionnées, par l'observation (non participante) de vingt discussions sur le fil politique de Nairaland, pendant la période de la campagne électorale entre octobre 2014 et janvier 2015. Ces images sont étudiées selon le cadre de l'analyse du discours critique (Critical Discourse Analysis, CDA) afin d'examiner les processus de contestation du pouvoir inscrits dans ces images. En démontrant comment ces images mèmes deviennent les représentants visuels (et graphiques) des différents niveaux d'animosité politique et de l'inaptitude des hommes politiques nigériens, cet article révèle la valeur de contestation des images mèmes sur Nairaland qui résiste aux iniquités sociopolitiques ayant caractérisé la campagne présidentielle au Nigéria.