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This research aims to examine the role of Nahdlatul Ulama’s (NU) diplomacy in spreading the values of Islam Rahmatan Lil ‘Alamin to strengthen the conceptions of state and religion in Indonesia. This study is beneficial in understanding the fundamental religious organization (NU) that can contribute to interfaith and international dialogue and cooperation, support social harmony, and reinforce an inclusive and tolerant national foundation in Indonesia. Therefore, the current study deployed a qualitative research methodology. The analysis was conducted using data collected through a literature review, in-depth interviews with leaders and members of NU, and a content analysis of videos and netizen comments on the NU Online YouTube channel regarding discussions by Gus Dur about the formation of an Islamic state. This study also explores the genealogy of NU, the state and religious conceptions advocated by NU, and the biography and views of Gus Dur on the topic. The findings indicate that NU, through Gus Dur's thinking and an inclusive diplomatic approach, has actively promoted an interpretation of Islam oriented towards universal values such as justice, peace, and tolerance. NU reflects this by actively promoting Islam Rahmatan Lil ‘Alamin as the foundation for a stronger, pluralistic, and democratic state. The study also examined the polemics of state and religious conceptions that trigger public discussions and explores the NU differences through cross-faith dialogue and understanding.

The objective of this research article is to investigate Nahdlatul Ulama's perspectives on the discourse of Fiqh Al-Ḥaḍarah, also known as \"Fiqh of Civilization,\" within the context of contextualizing Islamic political thought toward the concept of global peace. Sociological disparities in national and state dynamics, keeping in view the intensity of conflict at the global level, demand the attention of the leaders from all across the world . Fiqh Al-Ḥaḍarah through the discourse of Fiqh Al-Siyāsah,  advocates that the idea of peace contained in the UN charter has a strong basis in Islamic Sharia. All Muslims must campaign peace as a form of adherence to the Sharia. Therefore, the notions in classical Fiqh Al-Siyāsah must be interpreted and recontextualized as theyaim to straighten the view that politics in Islam is an intermediary for realizing prosperity through peace. This study used an annotated bibliography and descriptive qualitative method, while data was collected by using the desk research method. The approaches used included the textual-contextual approach, sociological approach to Islamic law, and critical theory. The results showed that Fiqh Al-Ḥaḍarah can be used to recontextualize Fiqh Al-Siyāsah in an ideal direction according to the needs and demands of the contemporary times. Similarly, Fiqh Al-Ḥaḍarah can present Islamic thought as a solution to establish peace and allow the emergence of a better civilization in the future. 

Civil Islamtells the story of Islam and democratization in Indonesia, the world's largest Muslim nation. Challenging stereotypes of Islam as antagonistic to democracy, this study of courage and reformation in the face of state terror suggests possibilities for democracy in the Muslim world and beyond. Democratic in the early 1950s and with rich precedents for tolerance and civility, Indonesia succumbed to violence. In 1965, Muslim parties were drawn into the slaughter of half a million communists. In the aftermath of this bloodshed, a \"New Order\" regime came to power, suppressing democratic forces and instituting dictatorial controls that held for decades. Yet from this maelstrom of violence, repressed by the state and denounced by conservative Muslims, an Islamic democracy movement emerged, strengthened, and played a central role in the 1998 overthrow of the Soeharto regime. In 1999, Muslim leader Abdurrahman Wahid was elected President of a reformist, civilian government. In explaining how this achievement was possible, Robert Hefner emphasizes the importance of civil institutions and public civility, but argues that neither democracy nor civil society is possible without a civilized state. Against portrayals of Islam as inherently antipluralist and undemocratic, he shows that Indonesia's Islamic reform movement repudiated the goal of an Islamic state, mobilized religiously ecumenical support, promoted women's rights, and championed democratic ideals. This broadly interdisciplinary and timely work heightens our awareness of democracy's necessary pluralism, and places Indonesia at the center of our efforts to understand what makes democracy work.

At least seven verses in the Qur’an and many hadiths highlight that riba (usury) is forbidden in Islam and should be avoided by Muslims. However, when we bring this issue into the modern context, especially its application in economics and banking, Muslims might say differently. Some Muslims with contemporary arguments could say that banks’ interest is not similar to riba because riba is only in the context of excessive lending and taking advantage of others’ needy. We survey 626 people in Indonesia and finds that 93% of Muslims said that riba is indeed prohibited in Islam, but some of them disagree if riba is similar to the conventional bank’s lending-borrowing mechanisms. In this article, we also empirically find that their involvement in the Islamic organization could strengthen their perception that riba is not similar to the bank’s interest rate.

This article examines the dramatic shift in the political strategy of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), Indonesia's largest Islamic organization, during the 2024 presidential elections. Unlike its historically fragmented stance in previous elections, NU implemented stricter policies and actively mobilized members to support government-endorsed candidates. Notably, this marked the first time since 1998 that NU backed candidates without ties to the organization. This shift followed a leadership overhaul in 2021, which reshaped NU's political approach. The new leadership adopted a pragmatic strategy to maintain NU's influence within President Joko \"Jokowi\" Widodo's administration and secure future benefits under his successor, Prabowo Subianto.

Abdurrahman Wahid (Gus Dur), Indonesia’s fourth president (1999–2001) and leader of the traditionalist Islamic organisation Nahdlatul Ulama (1984–1999), continues to influence Indonesia in positive and meaningful ways despite his death in 2009. He proved that Islam and a pluralistic political culture were compatible and that Indonesian Islam had a global role. His legacy continues through the Wahid Foundation, Nahdlatul Ulama, and the National Awakening Party. The Wahid Foundation operates under the directorship of his daughter, Yenny Wahid, and is dedicated to improving Islam and Indonesian society through documenting religious intolerance and injustice and by issuing recommendations. Following Nahdlatul Ulama’s National Congress in December 2021, its leadership has been dominated by Gus Dur’s allies, including his wife and four daughters, and his former presidential spokesperson Yahya Cholil Staquf, all of whom have a deep commitment to his values. Gus Dur’s former political party, the National Awakening Party, remains another institution which supports pluralism and secular inclusiveness. However, the relationship between Gus Dur’s allies and this party remains fractured, just as it was before he died. Despite an impeached presidency, a fallout with the National Awakening Party, and the considerable time that has passed since his death, he has produced an enduring legacy. Public deference to the late Gus Dur is reminiscent of the nine saints who Islamised Java half a millennia ago. This is because traditionalist Muslims believe that one’s deeds which produce on-going benefits to society will, in the afterlife, continue to accrue religious merit, and millions visit Gus Dur’s grave every year to demonstrate this.

This article argues that the recent rise of Islamism in Indonesia can be attributed to its proponents’ savviness in utilizing innovative propagation outlets alongside the declining authority of moderate organizations like Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and Muhammadiyah. MAIN ARGUMENT The recent prominence of conservative and hard-line Islamism in Indonesia—as seen during the 2016 Defending Islam rallies and the 2019 Indonesian presidential election campaign—is not an isolated, one-time phenomenon. Islamism has a long historical precedence dating back to Indonesia’s independence in 1945 when the country’s founders debated whether Islamist principles should be part of the constitution and national ideology. Public expressions of Islamism returned to the fore when Suharto fell from power in 1998. Conservative Islamists have been able to gain followers and political influence due to their shrewdness in utilizing new and innovative propagation methods on university campuses and the internet. In the meantime, the authority of NU and Muhammadiyah—Indonesia’s two largest moderate Islamic organizations—has declined due to the increasing role of quasi-state Islamic institutions like the Indonesian Ulama Council, competition from conservative and hard-line Islamist organizations, and factionalism from within these organizations driven by activists who sympathize with the ideological and political goals of conservative groups. Government efforts to suppress these groups risk further undermining Indonesia’s young democracy. Instead, NU and Muhammadiyah should take the lead in countering the growing Islamist influence. POLICY IMPLICATIONS • The rise of Islamism in Indonesia has a long historical antecedent and is expected to continue influencing the country’s intermediate political future. • Despite their decreasing authority, NU and Muhammadiyah still represent the greatest hope for a moderating force to counterbalance the influence of conservative and hard-line Islamist organizations. • Initiatives to counter Islamism in Indonesia are best left to moderate Islamic organizations—with support from the Indonesian government—since they have more authority and credibility among the Muslim community. Assistance from external actors (e.g., Western aid agencies) to NU and Muhammadiyah activists to help counter the influence of Islamist organizations is likely to be counterproductive.