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This article intends to shed light on the political and security developments in Yemen that ultimately resulted in the Saudi-led military operation in this country. It discusses the political background behind the Yemeni revolution of 2011, its positive outcome in the shape of the results of the National Dialogue Conference and the reasons for the collapse of the efforts to stabilize Yemen.

The Biden administration has rediscovered Asia. And, for better or worse, so has the US Congress. While the administration's national security documents (or at least their unclassified sneak previews) have identified the Indo-Pacific as a priority theater vital to US national security and China as \"our most consequential strategic competitor and the pacing challenge,\" Europe continues to steal headlines and the lion's share of the administration's (and international media's) attention, thanks to Vladimir Putin and his unwarranted (and so far unsuccessful) invasion of Ukraine. While many eyes remain on Putin's war (and NATO's US-led solid support for Kyiv), this reporting period saw President Biden finally make his first trip to Asia to visit longstanding US allies and attend the second in-person Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (\"Quad\") Summit. Prior to his trip, Biden hosted his first US-ASEAN Summit in Washington. Meanwhile Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin and Secretary of State Antony Blinken were both in Southeast Asia, respectively for the Shangri-La Dialogue and for various ASEAN-driven ministerials. These administration trips were largely overshadowed, however, by US Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi's controversial trip to Taiwan, the first by a House Speaker in 25 years, which was sure to-and clearly did-draw Beijing's ire.

This article focuses on the indifference and annoyance that preceded and followed the UN Food Systems Summit and its preparatory meetings. It argues that, from a European perspective, the Food Systems Summit agenda does not entail anything new, whilst its impact will negatively fire back by further increasing dependencies and fragilities in the food system.

Donald Trump was hosted in Beijing for a \"state visit-plus\" summit in early November, the third stop on his almost two week-long Asia tour. In response to North Korea's September nuclear test and December ICBM test, the US and China worked together at the United Nations to tighten sanctions. Cracks in their cooperation widened, however, as Trump pressed Beijing to cut crude oil supplies to North Korea and Xi called for negotiations. US investigations into alleged Chinese unfair trading practices continued and remarks by Trump administration officials suggest that there is a growing possibility of the US imposing harsh trade penalties on China in 2018. Major bilateral dialogues convened in the last four months of the year included the social and people-to-people dialogue, the cyber security and law enforcement dialogue, the inaugural US-China Consultation on Foreign Nongovernmental Organization Management, and the first talks between the joint staff departments of the US and Chinese militaries. The Trump administration issued its first National Security Strategy, which depicted China as a rival and a revisionist power that, along with Russia, is seeking to erode US security and prosperity.

The American Security Project (ASP) held an event at its Washington, DC office on July 30 to discuss \"Yemen's Political Transition and National Dialogue: Progress and Challenges.\" ASP CEO Stephen A. Cheney moderated the panel discussion. Mohammed Albasha, spokesman for the Yemeni Embassy in Washington, DC, began by expressing optimism about Yemen's ongoing national dialogue. Timothy Fairbank, managing director of Development Transformations, outlined three areas where Yemen must be cautious as it winds down its national dialogue, which is set to conclude September 18. First, he said, Sana'a must ensure there are mechanisms in place to enact agreements reached during the dialogue. Fairbank also emphasized the importance of the final decision-making process being inclusive and not driven solely by elites.

The ‘war’ between religion and science is winding down, creating new opportunities for fruitful dialogue. The foundations of indirect religion‐science dialogue, where the perspectives of the two disciplines illuminate some third subject, are not well established. A detailed comparison of the Roman Catholic bishops' dialogues and a similar program within the American Association for the Advancement of Science illustrates the variety in formalscience‐religion interactions and reveals much about the promise, achievements, and limitations of different approaches. Success depends in large part on controlling the diversity of the dialogue group, choosing topics carefully, and adopting positive and cooperative attitudes.