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\"In Security Aid, Jeffrey Monaghan explores Canadian humanitarian practices that focus on countries in the Global South. These practices have increasingly focused on enhancing regimes of surveillance, policing, prisons, border control and security governance. Monaghan's critical analysis of the securitization of humanitarian aid combines interviews with security experts and declassified material made available via the Access to Information Act. Canadian humanitarian assistance has commonly been framed around altruistic impulses however Monaghan reveals that in practice, these ideals are subordinate to two overlapping objectives: the advancement of Canadian strategic interests and the development of security states in the 'underdeveloped' world. The thousands of documents obtained over a five year period will be made available by the website www.securityaid.ca. Three cases studies of the major aid programs in Haiti, Libya, and South East Asia offers comprehensive analysis and reinterpretation of Canada's place in global affairs. Security Aid's unique account of Canada's role in global affairs forces us to reconsider dominant assumptions of Canada as a nation with a principled foreign policy.\"-- Provided by publisher.

How can property rights be protected and contracts be enforced in countries where the rule of law is ineffective or absent? How can firms from advanced market economies do business in such circumstances? InLawlessness and Economics, Avinash Dixit examines the theory of private institutions that transcend or supplement weak economic governance from the state. In much of the world and through much of history, private mechanisms--such as long-term relationships, arbitration, social networks to disseminate information and norms to impose sanctions, and for-profit enforcement services--have grown up in place of formal, state-governed institutions. Even in countries with strong legal systems, many of these mechanisms continue under the shadow of the law. Numerous case studies and empirical investigations have demonstrated the variety, importance, and merits, and drawbacks of such institutions. This book builds on these studies and constructs a toolkit of theoretical models to analyze them. The models shed new conceptual light on the different modes of governance, and deepen our understanding of the interaction of the alternative institutions with each other and with the government's law. For example, one model explains the limit on the size of social networks and illuminates problems in the transition to more formal legal systems as economies grow beyond this limit. Other models explain why for-profit enforcement is inefficient. The models also help us understand why state law dovetails with some non-state institutions and collides with others. This can help less-developed countries and transition economies devise better processes for the introduction or reform of their formal legal systems.

In recent decades, governments and NGOs--in an effort to promote democracy, freedom, fairness, and stability throughout the world--have organized teams of observers to monitor elections in a variety of countries. But when more organizations join the practice without uniform standards, are assessments reliable? When politicians nonetheless cheat and monitors must return to countries even after two decades of engagement, what is accomplished? Monitoring Democracy argues that the practice of international election monitoring is broken, but still worth fixing. By analyzing the evolving interaction between domestic and international politics, Judith Kelley refutes prevailing arguments that international efforts cannot curb government behavior and that democratization is entirely a domestic process. Yet, she also shows that democracy promotion efforts are deficient and that outside actors often have no power and sometimes even do harm. Analyzing original data on over 600 monitoring missions and 1,300 elections, Kelley grounds her investigation in solid historical context as well as studies of long-term developments over several elections in fifteen countries. She pinpoints the weaknesses of international election monitoring and looks at how practitioners and policymakers might help to improve them.

The papers in this volume discuss the strategies adopted by people to accumulate assets through migration, housing investments, natural resources management, and informal businesses and consider how an asset-based social policy could enable those strategies or help them overcome the constraints of an unfavorable institutional environment.

The national security issues in particular non-traditional security issues such as law enforcement, health, food, supply chain management, industry etc. are severely impacted by the COVID-19 outbreak in all countries of the world. As such, the developing country like Indonesia has largely been suffering from this epidemic. In this context, this paper attempts to analyse some national security issues that are affecting Indonesia, which is currently struggling with the COVID-19 pandemic. Proposed here are policy measures to combat both present and future challenges. The study uses secondary data collected from different sources concerning COVID-19 pandemic and security issues of Indonesia. The study analyses the data based on descriptive statistics, highlighting the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on Indonesian law enforcement issues, and security of health, food, supply chain management, industrial and other economic sectors. The study argues that if the vulnerability continues in these security-related issues due to pandemic, the country will face a harsh reality to manage the state-affairs. Therefore, the policy options are mainly concerned with the COVID-19 issue. Indonesia’s government should identify what measures to take by conducting rapid diagnostics and polymerase chain reaction tests in the laboratory, respectively. Moreover, the government and relevant stakeholders need to develop strategies that break the stranglehold of COVID-19 transmission in order to resolve Indonesian national security concern.

The changing nature of conflict and the increase in intrastate conflict during the 1990s, followed by its slow decline since the turn of the century, have led to changing priorities in the field of conflict resolution. No longer is the international community solely concerned with resolving existing conflicts; it also is managing emerging conflicts to ensure that they do not flare into violent conflict. This book outlines some of the strategies parliaments and parliamentarians can adopt to reduce the incidence of conflict and effectively manage conflict when it does emerge. It is hoped that by developing a better understanding of the nexus between parliament, poverty, and conflict parliamentarians will be more aware of the array of options open to them as they seek to contribute to conflict management in conflict-affected societies.

The majority of developing countries in the Global South are evidently rich in natural resources, but paradoxically blighted by excruciating poverty and conflicts. This paradox of deprivation and war in the midst of plenteous resources has been the subject of great debate in international political economy in contemporary history. This book contributes to the debate by examining the underlying structures, actors and contexts of rentier politics and how they often produce and aggravate conflicts in the various extractive economies and regions of the Global South. The book critically explores the theories of rentier economies and natural resource conflicts, as well as the practical ramifications of rentier politics in the Global South with all their resonance for political economy and security in the Global North. Contents: Extractive economies and conflicts in the global South: re-engaging rentier theory and politics, Kenneth Omeje; Rentier politics, extractive economies and conflict in the global South: emerging ramifications and theoretical exploration, Usman A. Tar; Anatomy of an oil insurgency: violence and militants in the Niger delta, Nigeria, Michael Watts; Nationalization versus indigenization of the rentier space: oil and conflicts in Nigeria, Ukoha Ukiwo; Greed or grievance? Diamonds, rent-seeking and the civil war in Sierra Leone (1991-2002), John M. Kabia; Politics and oil in Sudan, Peter Woodward; São Tom nd Príncipe: the troubles of oil in an aid-dependent micro-state, Gerhard Seibert; Rentier politics and low intensity conflicts in the DRC: the case of Kasai and Katange provinces, Germain Tshibambe Ngoie and Kenneth Omeje; Thugs' paradise, agencies' guinea pig and the natural resource intrigue: the civil war in Liberia, T. Debey Sayndee; Resource exploitation, repression and resistance in the Sahara-Sahel: the rise of the rentier state in Algeria, Chad and Niger, Jeremy Keenan; Oil sovereignties in the Mexican Gulf and Nigerian Niger delta, Anna Zalik; Extractive resources and the rentier space: a South American perspective, Julia Buxton; Rentier states and war-making: the United Arab Emirates and Iraq in comparative perspective, Rolf Schwarz; Rethinking the rentier syndrome: oil and resource conflict in the Persian Gulf, Dauda Abubakar; Index. Kenneth Omeje, University of Bradford, UK

Notwithstanding announcements of progress, “international original sin” (the denomination of external debt in foreign currency) remains a persistent phenomenon in emerging markets. Although some middle-income countries have succeeded in developing markets in local-currency sovereign debt and attracting foreign investors, they continue to hedge their currency exposures through transactions with local pension funds and other resident investors. The result is to shift the locus of currency mismatches within emerging economies but not to eliminate them. Other countries have limited original sin by limiting external borrowing, passing up valuable investment opportunities in pursuit of stability. We document these trends, analyzing regional and global aggregates and national case studies. Our conclusion is that there remains a case for an international initiative to address currency risk in low- and middle-income economies so they can more fully exploit economic development opportunities.

Published works on health insurance tend to focus on program design and its impact, neglecting the implementation process that links the two and affects outcomes. This paper examines the National Health Insurance [Rashtriya Swasthya Bima Yojana (RSBY)] in India with the objective of assessing the role of implementation structures and processes in shaping performance. The central question that the paper addresses is: why does the performance of RSBY vary across states despite similar program design? Using a comparative case study approach analyzing the program’s functioning in three states, it finds the answer in the differences in governance of implementation. The unavoidable gaps in design of health care program allow abundant scope for opportunistic behavior on the part of different stakeholders. The study finds that the performance of the program, as a result, depends on the extent to which the governance mechanism is able to contain and channel opportunistic behavior during implementation. By opening up the black box of implementation, the paper contributes to improving the performance of national health insurance in India and elsewhere.

Since World War II, separatist conflicts have been the most common and deadly types of war in international politics. Such wars result from a simple incongruity: ethno-nationalist groups desire a homeland, but on territory that is controlled by states unwilling to give it up. This book examines states’ strategies, particularly their use of violence, when confronted by separatist movements. Using more than 110 interviews, American and British diplomatic archives, and newspaper archives, this book’s emphasis on external security can account for separatist violence, or its lack thereof, in a variety of historical contexts including Pakistan's treatment of Bengali secessionists; India’s treatment of separatism in Assam, Punjab, and Jammu and Kashmir; interactions between the Ottoman Empire and Armenia; and Israel's attitudes toward Palestine.