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This article evaluates the effectiveness of the Jordan Security Management system by exploring four elements: institutional design, inter-institution relationships, policy coordination, and democratic supervision. An article based on quantitative survey 368 National Security Procedures in Jordan shows that centralized architecture leads to strategic cohesion but suffers from weak and sometimes fragmented coordination between agencies. The results emphasize a significant gap in the field of training, with less than half (48.64%) providers achieve satisfactory operating efficiency and minority (58.15%) of them trained with specific specialties. In addition, the results show that there is a continued digitization of protection because 47.01% of respondents receive artificial intelligence systems into their company structures. This study contributes to a better understanding of hybrid proceedings in the Middle East and North Africa region (Mena) and sets the basis for informing regional security strategies with international partners, in particular, the European Union.

The influx of Syrian refugees into Al Mafraq, Jordan poses complex challenges for the host community. This study, supported by the Faculty of Business and Creative Industries (FBCI) at the University of South Wales, explores how perspectives and experiences of the host community and refugees can help to understand the enablers and challenges of their coexistence. Using a mixed-method approach, it combined qualitative focus group discussions with a quantitative online survey to assess the perspectives and experiences of these groups. The findings are presented around five key issues perceived by the host community and refugees. These include safety, security, community relations, economic conditions, and the role of international organizations. It is argued that the evidence and analysis presented in this paper can help inform policy and practice by emphasizing the importance of understanding both the host and refugee experiences. This underscores the need for inclusive national planning to promote integration, social security, and protection of all individuals in Jordan. This research highlights how recognizing and addressing host community perspectives can enhance refugee integration and foster sustainable development amidst growing tension. By challenging misconceptions and valuing the needs of both Jordanians and refugees, this study advocates a cohesive and resilient society.

Purpose This study aims to test the role of the state of occupation, represented in Israel, as one of the most significant challenges, which faces the Jordanian water security. Where Israel expands in its policy and ideology everyday its hydro-hegemony over the Jordanian waters. Hence, its acts result in negative consequences on the Jordanian water and food security, which in turn affects the Jordanian national security as a whole. Design/methodology/approach This study relied on the following two approached to tackle its problem: first: descriptive approach: the descriptive approach depends on defining the apparent features and describing their nature and the type of the relationship between its variables. It aims to achieving a better and deeper understanding on the situation of its future policies and measures. And research uses the system analysis approach to handle the subject matter. Given the influence of water on the development, Jordan, as an organic or a political and social state, takes into account the reasons and causes of development. Jordan turns into an active political state, with water as an influencing factor on it. This premise represents the core of the system analysis approach. Findings The research concluded that the Israeli theft of the Jordanian waters is the main factor in the Jordanian water crisis. If Jordan had received its usurped water rights by Israel, it could have been able to solve its water issue represented in the increasing deficit in its water balance. Therefore, the Israeli hydro-hegemony on the Jordanian water resources caused the imbalance in its water security and, in turn, caused the development process to falter in general. Originality/value The value of the research lies in the fact that it addresses the most important reasons behind the water crisis in Jordan, represented in the Israeli control over the Jordanian water resources and the research shows that the amount of water stolen by Israel is enough to solve the water crisis in Jordan.

This extended article argues a case for an Israeli-Palestinian-Jordanian Confederation, proposes the central elements necessary to realize this in practice, and offers policy advice to the key players as well as to policy makers in the United States, Germany, Saudi Arabia, and Egypt. After 73 years of conflict, following the Arab Spring, and the intermittent violence between Israel and the Palestinians, the Palestinians will not give up on their aspiration for statehood. Ultimately, a two-state solution remains the only viable option to end their conflict. The difference, however, between the framework for peace discussed in the 1990s and 2000s—where the focus was on establishing a Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza—versus the present time is that many new, irreversible facts have been created: the interspersing of the Israeli and Palestinian populations in the West Bank, Jerusalem, and Israel; the status of Jerusalem, where both sides have a unique religious affinity; Israeli settlements in the West Bank, the majority of which will have to remain in place; the intertwined national security concerns involved; and the resettlement of/compensation for Palestinian refugees. I argue that independent Israeli and Palestinian states, therefore, can peacefully coexist and be sustained only through the establishment of an Israeli-Palestinian confederation that would subsequently be joined by Jordan, which has an intrinsic national interest in the resolution of all conflicting issues between Israel and the Palestinians. To that end, all sides will have to fully and permanently collaborate on many levels necessitated by the changing conditions on the ground, most of which can no longer be restored to the status quo ante. Este artículo extenso argumenta un caso sólido a favor de una Confederación israelí-palestina-jordana, propone los elementos clave necesarios para realizar esto en la práctica y ofrece asesoramiento sobre políticas a los actores clave, así como a los responsables políticos en los Estados Unidos, Jordania, Alemania, Arabia Saudita y Egipto. Después de 73 años de conflicto, siguiendo el viento político que azotó el Medio Oriente y la violencia intermitente entre Israel y los palestinos, los palestinos no renunciarán a su aspiración de ser un Estado. En última instancia, una solución de dos Estados sigue siendo la única opción viable para poner fin a su conflicto. Sin embargo, la diferencia entre el marco para la paz discutido en las décadas de 1990 y 2000 —en el que el enfoque estaba en el establecimiento de un estado palestino en Cisjordania y Gaza— versus el momento actual es que se han creado muchos hechos nuevos e irreversibles: el intercalado de las poblaciones israelí y palestina en Cisjordania, Jerusalén e Israel propiamente dicha; el estatus de Jerusalén, donde ambos lados tienen una afinidad religiosa única; los asentamientos israelíes en Cisjordania, la mayoría de los cuales deberán permanecer en su lugar; las preocupaciones de seguridad nacional entrelazadas de israelíes y palestinos; y los refugiados palestinos, que necesitan ser reasentados y / o compensados. Sostengo que los estados independientes israelíes y palestinos, por lo tanto, pueden coexistir pacíficamente y ser sostenidos solo mediante el establecimiento de una confederación israelí-palestina a la que posteriormente se uniría Jordania, que tiene un interés nacional intrínseco en la resolución de todos los problemas conflictivos entre Israel. y los palestinos. Con ese fin, todas las partes tendrán que colaborar plena y permanentemente en muchos niveles, como lo exigen las condiciones cambiantes sobre el terreno mencionadas anteriormente, la mayoría de las cuales ya no pueden volver al statu quo ante. 本文论证了以色列-巴勒斯坦-约旦联盟这一案例，提出对实现该联盟而言必需的关键要素，并为美国、德国、沙特阿拉伯和埃及的关键行动者及决策者提供政策建议。继 73 年的冲突、阿拉伯之春、以及以色列和巴勒斯坦之间断断续续的暴力事件后，巴勒斯坦人将不会放弃对取得独立国家地位的渴望。最终，一个涉及两国的解决方案仍然是终结冲突的唯一可行选项。不过，1990 年代和 2000 年代探讨的和平框架（聚焦于在约旦河西岸和加沙之间建立巴勒斯坦国），与当前局势的差异在于，许多新的、无法逆转的事实已经发生：西岸、耶路撒冷和以色列地区分散的以色列人和巴勒斯坦人；耶路撒冷的状况（双方都拥有独特的宗教信仰）；以色列人在西岸的定居点（其中绝大多数将保持现状）；相互交织的国家安全关切；以及巴勒斯坦难民的重新安置和对其的补偿。因此，我论证认为，只有通过建立一个以色列-巴勒斯坦联盟（约旦将之后加入该联盟，它对解决以巴之间的各类冲突问题而言拥有内在的国家利益），独立的以色列和巴勒斯坦国才能和平共存并得以持续。为此，各方将不得不在多个层面上进行全力且长期的协作，这些层面由该地区不断变化的情况所决定，且大多数情况无法恢复到先前状态。

Quality complementary feeding (CF) of infants and young children is key to their growth and development. But in Jordan, providing appropriate CF remains a challenge. This study assesses trends in infant and young child feeding (IYCF) practices, and consumption by infants and young children aged 6–23 months of breast milk substitutes (BMSs), sugar‐sweetened beverages (SSBs), and micronutrient‐rich foods in Jordan from 1990 to 2017. We combined dietary data on infants and young children from six Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS) (n = 14,880 children) to compute IYCF indicators. The latter included minimum dietary diversity (MDD), minimum meal frequency (MMF), and minimum acceptable diet (MAD), as well as intake of micronutrient‐rich foods and food groups, specific SSBs, and infant formula. We conducted trend analyses using logistic regression models adjusted for child's age in month, child age squared, governorates, urban/rural residence, mother's educational attainment, and household wealth quintiles. We found that the proportion of consumption of micronutrient‐rich food groups declined significantly between 1990 and 2017, with fewer infants and young children consuming eggs (OR = 0.39, p ≤ 0.001, 2002 reference), meat, poultry, and fish (OR = 0.25, p ≤ 0.001, 2002 reference), dairy (OR = 0.59, p ≤ 0.001, 2002 reference) and Vitamin A‐rich fruits and vegetables (OR = 0.66, p ≤ 0.001, 2002 reference). Conversely, there was increased use of BMSs and sugar‐sweetened juices that paralleled a decline in the share of infants and young children meeting appropriate CF practices and consuming micronutrient‐rich foods and food groups. By 2017, children aged 6–23 months were significantly less likely to meet MDD, MMF, and subsequently MAD; the odds of consuming BMSs were almost three times the reference (OR = 3.8, p ≤ 0.001, 1990 reference), as were the odds of consuming sugar sweetened juices  (OR = 3.63, p ≤ 0.001, 1990 reference). Food insecurity and undernutrition are low in Jordan; however, overweight and obesity rates are increasing concurrently as are micronutrient deficiencies. This highlights the need for policymakers to address factors at individual and household levels (behaviours and practices) as well as environmental issues (increasing access to unhealthy and ultraprocessed foods). Key messages In 2017, Jordanian infants and young children were significantly less likely to meet minimum dietary diversity (MDD), minimum meal frequency (MMF), and minimum acceptable diet (MAD) than in 1990. At the same time, the odds of consuming infant formula were six times higher in 2017, while consuming any breast milk substitute was four time higher (infant formula and/or animal milk). The proportion of infants and young children consuming micronutrient‐rich food groups has declined in Jordan over time, with fewer infants and young children reporting consuming animal‐source foods as well as Vitamin A‐rich fruits and vegetables.

Jordan's economy is problematic for its foreign policy. To ensure security in a turbulent region, domestic interests must be sacrificed. Thus, small countries align and seek alliances with more powerful countries. This study concludes that Jordan's foreign policy lacks consistency and clear strategic objectives, other than its own survival, in dealing with regional crises.

The Arab world is experiencing temperature increases at nearly twice the global average, presenting significant challenges to human livability, water availability, and food security. Concurrently, high inflation rates, increasing population density (PD), and political instability exert pressure on achieving sustainable development goals (SDGs) in the region. This study examines the effects of temperature and precipitation changes across the Arab world under 1.5 °C (2021–2040), 2.0 °C (2041–2060), and 3.0 °C (2061–2080) warming scenarios relative to the baseline period 1995–2014 using the Coupled Model Intercomparison Project Phase 6 (CMIP6). The Mann–Kendall (MK) trend test and Sen’s slope estimator were applied to evaluate the statistical significance and magnitude of temperature and precipitation trends across the Arab world. It also explores projected shifts in aridity and risk levels impacting land use/land cover (LULC), PD, water scarcity, and food insecurity. The aridity index (AI) is calculated using precipitation and potential evapotranspiration (PET) data sets. A risk classification framework assesses climate change impacts based on temperature and precipitation variations. The water stress index (WSI) and food insecurity index (FISI) predict climate change impacts under different risk levels on water scarcity and food security. A pairwise comparison matrix (PCM) determines the weight criteria for water stress, food insecurity, risk levels, and PD changes. The projected water stress and food insecurity levels across the Arab countries are estimated using a weighted sum (WS) model. Findings indicate a projected increase in temperature, with significant variations across Arab countries and seasons. Precipitation trends are complex, with increases in some regions and decreases in others. For example, winter precipitation is expected to decline in North African countries such as Algeria, Tunisia, and Egypt by 5.80–28.61% under 1.5 and 3.0 °C scenarios, while summer precipitation may increase in the Arabian Peninsula by 21.14–133.34%. Hyperarid and arid regions are likely to expand, while semiarid and dry sub-humid areas diminish. Closed forests and croplands, particularly in Sudan, Syria, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, and Jordan, are expected to be most impacted, underscoring the need for adaptive conservation strategies. The WSI indicates that regions such as Iraq, Morocco, Palestine, and Lebanon may transition from high to extremely high water stress under extreme climate conditions. Djibouti, Sudan, Iraq, Yemen, Syria, Somalia, Libya, and Palestine face very high food insecurity risks, emphasizing persistent vulnerabilities. These findings underscore the urgent need for promoting national planning with comprehensive adaptive climatic strategies across the Arab world.

Driven by positive accounting, agency, and political and economic theories, this study examines the relationship between research and development (R&D) intensity and earnings management for listed pharmaceutical companies in the Amman Stock Exchange (ASE) between 2008 and 2021. Employing panel regression methods, the results reveal a positive association between R&D investment and earnings manipulation. Specifically, after two or three R&D delays, the association survived. Moreover, firm size negatively affects earnings management, showing that larger firms have less tendencies to conduct earning manipulation. Furthermore, financial leverage and earnings management are strongly connected, showing that firms may utilize earnings management to avoid credit covenants. The findings emphasize distortions in R&D reporting and profit management within Jordan’s financial reporting practices. Enhancing the accuracy of R&D investment disclosures, minimizing profit manipulation, and fostering greater transparency are crucial. Jordan’s regulators should improve capitalization standards, transparency, auditing, and shareholder activism.