Explore the vast range of titles available.

\"In Keetsahnak / Our Murdered and Missing Indigenous Sisters, the tension between personal, political, and public action is brought home starkly. This important collective volume both witnesses the significance of the travelling exhibition Walking With Our Sisters and creates a model for antiviolence work from an Indigenous perspective. The contributors look at the roots of violence and how it diminishes life for all. They acknowledge the destruction wrought by colonial violence, and also look at controversial topics such as lateral violence, challenges in working with \"tradition,\" and problematic notions involved in \"helping.\" Through stories of resilience, resistance, and activism, the editors give voice to powerful personal testimony and allow for the creation of knowledge.\"-- Provided by publisher.

Indigenous women and children in Canada are significantly more likely to experience some form of family violence than their non-Indigenous counterparts. However, biomedical and academic discussions around the violence that Indigenous women and their families and communities face reflect a colonial narrative emphasizing Euro-Canadian perspectives and values; a colonial narrative that disconnects the role of past and ongoing forms of colonial violence and naturalizes family violence within Indigenous communities, informing a view of Indigeneity as risk. Through a decolonial lens, the underlying causes of family violence in Indigenous communities can be connected to the gendered violence of patriarchal colonialism targeting Indigenous women. It is revealed how Indigenous women’s bodies became a site of the coloniality of violence as colonization disenfranchised and displaced Indigenous women from their lands, communities, and central roles. Gendered colonial violence attacked Indigenous women’s scared status in their societies and disrupted Indigenous relational modes of being. This informed a coloniality of being for Indigenous peoples; a coloniality of being integral to intergenerational trauma and family violence. Through the lens of Indigenous laws as a decolonial approach to family violence, the centrality of Indigenous women’s roles and responsibilities as mothers is linked to community wellbeing and intertwined with leadership and governance. By grounding the rights of Indigenous women within relationships, Indigenous women can reclaim their sacred places within respectful, reciprocal, and interconnected ways of being.

OBJECTIVE:To examine the contribution of socio-economic position (SEP) in explaining the excess of any abuse and intimate partner violence (IPV) among Aboriginal versus non-Aboriginal women in Canada. This comparison has not been studied before. METHODS:We conducted logistic regression analysis, using nationwide data from a weighted sample of 57,318 Canadian-born mothers of singletons who participated in the Canadian Maternity Experiences Survey 2006–7. RESULTS:The unadjusted odds of any abuse and IPV were almost four times higher among Aboriginal compared to non-Aboriginal mothers; OR 3.91 (95% CI 3.12–4.89) and OR 3.78 (2.87–4.97), respectively. Adjustment for SEP reduced the unadjusted OR of any abuse and IPV by almost 40%. However, even with this adjustment, the odds of any abuse and IPV for Aboriginal mothers remained twice that of non-Aboriginal mothers; OR 2.34 (1.82–2.99) and OR 2.19 (1.60–3.00), respectively. CONCLUSIONS:SEP is a predominant contributor to the excess of abuse against Aboriginal vs. non-Aboriginal women in Canada. Reducing violence against Aboriginal women can be achieved mostly by improving their SEP, and simultaneously be informed by social processes and services that can mitigate abuse. The fact that SEP did not fully explain the excess of abuse among the Aboriginal women might lend support to “colonization or postcolonial theories,” and related contextual factors such as differences in community social resources (e.g., social capital) and services. The effect of these factors on the excess of abuse warrants future research.

Introduction Women living with HIV (WLHIV) experience stigma and elevated exposure to violence in comparison with HIV‐negative women. We examined the mediating role of experiencing recent violence in the relationship between stigma and depression among WLHIV in Canada. Methods We conducted a cohort study with WLHIV in three Canadian provinces. Recent violence was assessed through self‐reported experiences of control, physical, sexual or verbal abuse in the past three months. At Time 1 (2013‐2015) three forms of stigma were assessed (HIV‐related, racial, gender) and at Time 2 (2015‐2017) only HIV‐related stigma was assessed. We conducted structural equation modelling (SEM) using the maximum likelihood estimation method with Time 1 data to identify direct and indirect effects of gender discrimination, racial discrimination and HIV‐related stigma on depression via recent violence. We then conducted mixed effects regression and SEM using Time 1 and Time 2 data to examine associations between HIV‐related stigma, recent violence and depression. Results At Time 1 (n = 1296), the direct path from HIV‐related stigma (direct effect: β = 0.200, p < 0.001; indirect effect: β = 0.014, p < 0.05) to depression was significant; recent violence accounted for 6.5% of the total effect. Gender discrimination had a significant direct and indirect effect on depression (direct effect: β = 0.167, p < 0.001; indirect effect: β = 0.050, p < 0.001); recent violence explained 23.15% of the total effect. Including Time 1 and Time 2 data (n = 1161), mixed‐effects regression results indicate a positive relationship over time between HIV‐related stigma and depression (Acoef: 0.04, 95% CI: 0.03, 0.06, p < 0.001), and recent violence and depression (Acoef: 1.95, 95% CI: 0.29, 4.42, p < 0.05), controlling for socio‐demographics. There was a significant interaction between HIV‐related stigma and recent violence with depression (Acoef: 0.04, 95% CI: 0.01, 0.07, p < 0.05). SEM analyses reveal that HIV‐related stigma had a significant direct and indirect effect on depression over time (direct effect: β = 0.178, p < 0.001; indirect effect: β = 0.040, p < 0.001); recent violence experiences accounted for 51% of the total effect. Conclusions Our findings suggest that HIV‐related stigma is associated with increased experiences of recent violence, and both stigma and violence are associated with increased depression among WLHIV in Canada. There is an urgent need for trauma‐informed stigma interventions to address stigma, discrimination and violence.

The hidden crisis of missing and murdered Indigenous women and girls in Canada is both a national tragedy and a national shame. In this ground-breaking new volume, as part of their larger efforts to draw attention to the shockingly high rates of violence against our sisters, Jennifer Brant and D. Memee Lavell-Harvard have pulled together a variety of voices from the academic realms to the grassroots and front-lines to speak on what has been identified by both the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights and the United Nations as a grave violation of the basic human rights of Aboriginal women and girls. Linking colonial practices with genocide, through their exploration of the current statistics, root causes and structural components of the issue, including conversations on policing, media and education, the contributing authors illustrate the resilience, strength, courage, and spirit of Indigenous women and girls as they struggle to survive in a society shaped by racism and sexism, patriarchy and misogyny. This book was created to honour our missing sisters, their families, their lives and their stories, with the hope that it will offer lessons to non-Indigenous allies and supporters so that we can all work together towards a nation that supports and promotes the safety and well-being of all First Nation, Métis and Inuit women and girls.his book was created to honour our missing sisters, their families, their lives and their stories, with the hope that it will offer lessons to non-Indigenous allies and supporters so that we can all work together towards a nation that supports and promotes the safety and well-being of all First Nation, Métis and Inuit women and girls.his book was created to honour our missing sisters, their families, their lives and their stories, with the hope that it will offer lessons to non-Indigenous allies and supporters so that we can all work together towards a nation that supports and promotes the safety and well-being of all First Nation, Métis and Inuit women and girls.his book was created to honour our missing sisters, their families, their lives and their stories, with the hope that it will offer lessons to non-Indigenous allies and supporters so that we can all work together towards a nation that supports and promotes the safety and well-being of all First Nation, Métis and Inuit women and girls.

There is powerful evidence that the colonization of Indigenous people was and is a crime, and that that crime is on-going. Achieving historical colonial goals often meant committing acts that were criminal even at the time. The consequences of this oppression and criminal victimization is perhaps the critical factor explaining why Indigenous people today are overrepresented as victims and offenders in the settler colonist criminal justice systems. This book presents an analysis of the relationship between these colonial crimes and their continuing criminal and social consequences that exist today. The authors focus primarily on countries colonized by Britain, especially the United States. Social harm theory, human rights covenants, and law are used to explain the criminal aspects of the historical laws and their continued effects. The final chapter looks at the responsibilities of settler-colonists in ameliorating these harms and the actions currently being taken by Indigenous people themselves.

Explores the processes that led to the 1983 & 1985 passage of amendments to the Indian Act of 1868 that partially reversed provisions of an earlier amendment that empowered status Indian men with rights, privileges, & entitlements over Indian women. The focus is on how discourses of rights used by Indian men & women reveal conflicts surrounding gender politics & women's rights within Native sovereignty movements. A detailed examination of the Indian Act system highlights the ways in which it structures inequalities. Status Indian men protested vehemently against the women who struggled to pass the 1983 & 1985 amendments, dismissing them as irrelevant & dangerous to Indian sovereignty. It is argued that these dismissals perpetuated \"discriminatory & violent practices against Indian women within Indian communities by normalizing the men's discourse regarding the irrelevance of gender as well as the disenfranchisement of women in Indian sovereignty struggles.\" The need for a better understanding of the relationship between gender & sovereignty that dominates Native politics is emphasized. J. Lindroth

This article corrects the assumption that \"indigenous women and feminist issues remain undertheorized,\" by demonstrating that they do theorize their lives, but that they theorize differently, meaning, indigenous women do not rely solely on Western tools, worldviews, or epistemologies as methods of interpretation. One tool indigenous women use to theorize is writing, which provides a space for women to make sense of the world and their place in it. Additionally, indigenous women's rhetorical practices produce knowledge referred to as \"theory in the flesh,\" a concept that grounds struggles for knowledge in women's bodies. An indigenous feminist theory also presents strategies that empower, which includes naming the enemy, \"reinventing the enemy's language,\" and writing to survive. An indigenous feminist theory also reveals overarching characteristics such as responsibility, the promotion of healing, and a call for survival, all features this article explores. (Contains 73 notes.)

Allan Young's classic thesis on stress discourse underscores the way in which the bio-medical discourse of \"stress\" reflects and legitimizes existing social inequities even as it removes the language of stress to the decontextualized domain of the clinic. In this article, I address the way in which the \"stress discourse\" of a group of young adult Cree women who live in a remote northern Canadian village reflects and reinscribes the social, cultural, and historical conditions of inequity as part and parcel of community life. This study, as a reflection on Young's thesis, reveals that sometimes one is bound to replicate inequities because it is necessary to do so. The women with whom I spoke are entangled in an historical and social reality that they are wholly aware of such that the paths of inequity that are expressed in a rationale of \"stress\" cannot readily be challenged or changed.

This article discusses how Native women in Thunder Bay, Ontario, organized services and programs to help women adapt to urban life in the 1970s and 1980s. It investigates the founding of Beendigen, an emergency hostel for Native women and their children. In 1978, Thunder Bay Anishinabequek, a chapter of the Ontario Native Women's Association (ONWA), opened Beendigen because they believed Native women in crisis and their children, most of whom were fleeing violent families, should not be further isolated in non-Native environments. Beendigen, Ojibwa for \"welcome,\" offered emergency shelter for women whose connection to their home reserve had been severed, and who subsequently faced hostility in the city. Anishinabequek insisted on Aboriginal control over services for Aboriginal people, and their programs emphasized cultural retention and promoted pride in Indigenous culture. Native women's organizing in Thunder Bay developed during a dynamic period in the broader histories of the Aboriginal rights movement and the women's movement. The debates that shaped these histories simultaneously opened up spaces for Native women's organizing and constrained their political goals. To provide a context for Anishinabequek's local initiatives, the author begins with a brief overview of the Indian rights movement and Native women's organizing in Canada in the late 1960s and 1970s. The author then discusses the general activities of ONWA to explain why women organized independently of the Native movement. The examination of the founding of Beendigen demonstrates how Thunder Bay Anishinabequek and ONWA countered the negative impact of government policies that tried to assimilate Aboriginal peoples by organizing services that drew on Aboriginal knowledge, cultures, and values. This research is based on the records of Beendigen and ONWA. Few documents remain from the founding years of the shelter, and there were not many direct references to family violence in the ONWA documents in the 1970s and 1980s. Thus, the author's interpretation of the evidence relies on oral histories with two women who were active in the founding years of ONWA and Beendigen. (Contains 52 notes.)