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11 result(s) for "Neoliberalism Canada Provinces."
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The public sector in an age of austerity : perspectives from Canada's Provinces and territories
\"Following the 2008 global financial crisis, Canada appeared to escape the austerity implemented elsewhere, but this was spin hiding the reality. A closer look reveals that the provinces--responsible for delivering essential public and social services such as education and healthcare--shouldered the burden. The Public Sector in an Age of Austerity examines public-sector austerity in the provinces and territories, specifically addressing how austerity was implemented, what forms austerity agendas took (from regressive taxes and new user fees to public-sector layoffs and privatization schemes), and what, if any, political responses resulted. Contributors focus on the period from 2007 to 2015, the global financial crisis and the period of fiscal consolidation that followed, while also providing a longer historical context--austerity is not a new phenomenon. A granular examination of each jurisdiction identifies how changing fiscal conditions have affected the delivery of public services and restructured public finances, highlighting the consequences such changes have had for public-sector workers and users of public services. The first book of its kind in Canada, The Public Sector in an Age of Austerity challenges conventional wisdom by showing that Canada did not escape post-crisis austerity, and that its recovery has been vastly overstated.\"-- Provided by publisher.
Policy Diffusion and Regionalization of Immigration: Canada’s International Student Migration Policy Landscape
Canada has been increasing allocation to the Provincial Nominee Program in the immigration target total. Regionalisation of immigration has been an ongoing transformation of migration management since the 1990s, making the immigration policy domain progressively fragmented. Adopting a policy diffusion framework, I examine 30 regional immigration streams designed to attract and retain international students. Competing for the best, provinces distinguish and privilege certain student groups, creating a diverse policy landscape, yet simultaneously, many provincial policies resemble each other, creating common student immigration scenarios. I argue that in competition for talent, provinces (a) create very similar streams and, while aspiring to differentiate, (b) impose more restrictions than the federal programs. With the shift in authority, provinces gained the freedom to not only design custom migration policies but also to deviate from the original purpose of provincial programs—to complement, not compete!—with the federal ones.
The Neoliberal State, Recognition and Indigenous Rights
The impact of neoliberal governance on indigenous peoples in liberal settler states may be both enabling and constraining. This book is distinctive in drawing comparisons between three such states—Australia, Canada and New Zealand. In a series of empirically grounded, interpretive micro-studies, it draws out a shared policy coherence, but also exposes idiosyncrasies in the operational dynamics of neoliberal governance both within each state and between them. Read together as a collection, these studies broaden the debate about and the analysis of contemporary government policy.The individual studies reveal the forms of actually existing neoliberalism that are variegated by historical, geographical and legal contexts and complex state arrangements. At the same time, they present examples of a more nuanced agential, bottom-up indigenous governmentality. Focusing on intense and complex matters of social policy rather than on resource development and land rights, they demonstrate how indigenous actors engage in trying to govern various fields of activity by acting on the conduct and contexts of everyday neoliberal life, and also on the conduct of state and corporate actors.
Family strategies in a neoliberal world: Korean immigrants in Winnipeg
South Korean immigration to Canada has increased since the East Asian economic crisis of the late 1990s. Korean immigrants in Winnipeg chose the city for many reasons: the introduction of the Provincial Nominee Program, structural changes in the home country, and individual family strategies to provide better educational opportunities for their children. This article examines how changes in the current wave of globalization, at both global and local scale, have affected the migration of Koreans to Winnipeg, Canada and how individual households chose their immigration destination. This study contributes to understanding of the less popular immigrant destinations of Canada using a multiscalar analysis that includes household level. In addition to economic purposes and children’s education, changes of life style can be an important reason for immigrant location choice. Overall, the neoliberal economy in South Korea has pushed many Koreans to move to other countries, and the globalization of the Canadian economy has pulled nomadic middle-class members from other countries.
Nuancing Neoliberalism: Lessons Learned from a Failed Immigration Experiment
This paper contributes to current debates around neoliberalism and subnational developments in Canadian immigration policy. In response to critiques of neoliberalism’s “promiscuity,” scalar and governmentality frameworks are used to analyze Nova Scotia’s failed economic nominee category experiment. The competing choices, calculations, and commitments at stake at “meso”- and “micro”-scales reveal a more complex and compelling reality that underscores the contributions and challenges of a range of political actors. This, in turn, suggests possible disruptions to neoliberalization and seeks to strike a better balance between structure and agency, as well as economic and social immigration priorities.
A DECADE OF DISCONNECTION: CHILD CARE POLICIES IN CHANGING ECONOMIC TIMES IN THE CANADIAN CONTEXT
This article brings together findings from two studies that focus on child care in Canada. The first maps the coverage of child care over the first decade of the 21st century in four Canadian daily newspapers. It shows that the voices of children, mothers, and child care providers are virtually absent from policy discussions. The second study, which remedies the parental invisibility identified by the first study, relies on interviews with mothers of young children in two jurisdictions with distinctive approaches to child care – the Provinces of Ontario and Quebec. This article looks at the impact on gender roles, identities, and relations of the rise in women’s non-standard, service-sector employment and compares the complex task of creating and managing formal and informal non-parental child care in rural and semi-rural communities in the two policy jurisdictions (Ontario and Quebec). It seeks to understand the ways in which the neo-liberal reconfiguration of local economies affects the experiences of employed, non-urban women with young children – mitigated or exacerbated by provincial policy – through documenting the strategies that mothers adopt to face new, increasing challenges when negotiating this family-market-state nexus. This paper focuses on unique challenges some rural mothers encounter and the strategies they develop to address their changing child care needs. It also shows how absent these realities are from the coverage of child care in Canadian newspapers. The paper argues that high quality child care should be a national priority for healthy child development and better family outcomes.
Canada, health and historical political economy
Healthcare in Canada is at an important political and economic crossroads. In 2014, the 10-year Canadian Health Accord will conclude, and the role of the federal government in supporting both health research and health delivery - the latter being a responsibility of the provinces - should be the subject of intense public discussion. The 2004 Health Accord responded to a perceived crisis in the Canadian system, known as Medicare, by guaranteeing stable additional federal funding for the provinces and setting out a number of objectives oriented around quality of care. Over the next year, public figures and health experts from province to province will debate which financing models effect optimal health delivery in the face of rising, off-loaded costs. The federal government's refusal to bargain with provincial Premiers as a whole on federal funding, as well as its ongoing encouragement of 'experimentation' across provincial health systems, will increase pressure towards system transformation (Barlow and Silnicki 2012). That said, institutional practice, political culture and social resistance can make short order of reformers' attempts to alter the basic character of health delivery. This is why understanding health care delivery in historical context gives us greater insight into the system's vulnerability to change, and the extent to which the limits of reform can be assessed.
Diverging Trends in Worker Health and Safety Protection and Participation in Canada, 1985-2000
Summary Despite the comprehensiveness of neo-liberal restructuring in Canada, it has not proceeded uniformly in its timing or outcomes across regulatory fields and political jurisdictions. The example of occupational health and safety (OHS) regulation is instructive. This article compares recent OHS developments in five Canadian jurisdictions, Alberta, British Columbia, Nova Scotia, Ontario and the Federal jurisdiction. It finds that despite the adoption of a common model by all jurisdictions, there has recently been considerable divergence in the way that the elements of worker participation and protection have been combined. Modified power resource theory is used to explain a portion of this divergence.
Federalism, Democracy, and Labour Market Policy in Canada
Federalism, Democracy and Labour Market Policy in Canada then offers an important overview to the shifting of federal-provincial governance structures of labour markets. Especially useful is the chapter by [Tom McIntosh] and Boychuk who document in detail the extent to which Canadian workers are increasingly being left exposed to the vagaries of the labour market as EI and social assistance are rolled back. However, the book has some short-comings. It is largely descriptive and while McIntosh makes some allusion to a shift from Fordism to post-Fordism there is little reference to broader theoretical perspectives as to what is driving the restructuring of labour market policy governance in Canada. More importantly, I would disagree with McIntosh that the decentralization of labour market policy in Canada is just a complex redefining of federal responsibilities, rather than one that is neo-liberal in character and crisis-driven. As Jane Jenson wrote over a decade ago, class politics and neo-liberalism in Canada have often been expressed in the form of redistributive conflicts within federalism. Thus, much of what many of the authors in this contribution view as governance disentangling is also consistent with many aspects of neo-liberalism or what Jamie Peck has termed a \"centrally orchestrated erosion of the work-welfare regime from below.\" For example, LMDAs are less a rational re-ordering of governance responsibilities than an instrment of the federal government's desire to reduce its deficit. They can be associated with significant cuts in funds transferred to the provinces. Furthermore the rhetoric and the policies of both federal and provincial governments has encouraged both labour market flexibility and the individualization of employability. Finally, the impact of workfare programs, which is not addressed in great detail in this volume, is not simply about redefining eligibility criteria for those on social assistance, but about reducing the marginal wages of workers in the lower echelons of the labour market.