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In Among Women across Worlds, Suzy Kim explores the transnational connections between North Korean women and the global women's movement. Asian women, especially communists, are often depicted as victims of a patriarchal state. Kim challenges this view through extensive archival research, revealing that North Korean women asserted themselves from the late 1940s to 1975, before the Korean War began and up to the UN's International Women's Year. Kim centers on North Korea and the \"East\" to present a new genealogy of the global women's movement. Women of the Korean Democratic Women's Union (KDWU), part of the global left women's movement led by the Women's International Democratic Federation (WIDF), argued that family and domestic issues should be central to both national and international debates. They highlighted the connections between race, nationality, sex, and class in systems of exploitation. Their intersectional program proclaimed \"no peace without justice,\" \"the personal is the political,\" and \"women's rights are human rights,\" long before Western activists adopted these ideas. Among Women across Worlds uncovers movements and ideas foundational to today's era.

No nation stages massive parades and collective performances on the scale of North Korea. Even amid a series of intense political/economic crises and international conflicts, the financially troubled country continues to invest massive amounts of resources to sponsor unflinching displays of patriotism, glorifying its leaders and revolutionary history through state rituals that can involve hundreds of thousands of performers. Author Suk-Young Kim explores how sixty years of state-sponsored propaganda performances—including public spectacles, theater, film, and other visual media such as posters—shape everyday practice such as education, the mobilization of labor, the gendering of social interactions, the organization of national space, tourism, and transnational human rights. Equal parts fascinating and disturbing, Illusive Utopia shows how the country's visual culture and performing arts set the course for the illusionary formation of a distinctive national identity and state legitimacy, illuminating deep-rooted cultural explanations as to why socialism has survived in North Korea despite the fall of the Berlin Wall, the collapse of the Soviet Union, and China's continuing march toward economic prosperity. With over fifty striking color illustrations, Illusive Utopia captures the spectacular illusion within a country where the arts are not only a means of entertainment but also a forceful institution used to regulate, educate, and mobilize the population.

Nearly half a century after the fighting stopped, the 1953 Armistice has yet to be replaced with a peace treaty formally ending the Korean War. While Russia and China withdrew the last of their forces in 1958, the United States maintains 37,000 troops in South Korea and is pledged to defend it with nuclear weapons. In Korean Endgame, Selig Harrison mounts the first authoritative challenge to this long-standing U.S. policy. Harrison shows why North Korea is not--as many policymakers expect--about to collapse. And he explains why existing U.S. policies hamper North-South reconciliation and reunification. Assessing North Korean capabilities and the motivations that have led to its forward deployments, he spells out the arms control concessions by North Korea, South Korea, and the United States necessary to ease the dangers of confrontation, centering on reciprocal U.S. force redeployments and U.S. withdrawals in return for North Korean pullbacks from the thirty-eighth parallel.

Ranging from Geneva to Pyongyang, this remarkable book takes readers on an odyssey through one of the most extraordinary forgotten tragedies of the Cold War: the \"return\" of over 90,000 people, most of them ethnic Koreans, from Japan to North Korea from 1959 onward. Presented to the world as a humanitarian venture and conducted under the supervision of the International Red Cross, the scheme was actually the result of political intrigues involving the governments of Japan, North Korea, the Soviet Union, and the United States. The great majority of the Koreans who journeyed to North Korea in fact originated from the southern part of the Korean peninsula, and many had lived all their lives in Japan. Though most left willingly, persuaded by propaganda that a bright new life awaited them in North Korea, the author draws on recently declassified documents to reveal the covert pressures used to hasten the departure of this unwelcome ethnic minority. For most, their new home proved a place of poverty and hardship; for thousands, it was a place of persecution and death. In rediscovering their extraordinary personal stories, this book also casts new light on the politics of the Cold War and on present-day tensions between North Korea and the rest of the world.

This article deals with the disappearance of hunting in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (North Korea) to reconsider human-centered narratives of modern authoritarianism. I examine how the perception of hunting in North Korea changed through Pyongyang’s ineffective efforts to classify and exploit animals according to their perceived value in building socialism. In particular, I highlight local understandings of fauna and the gradual disappearance of conventional hunting from state media, a reflection of the disorganized attempts to regulate hunting and mobilize animals for material ends. Contrary to these ambitions, local populations compelled the regime into a tacit compromise, resulting in official silence on hunting.

Objective/Context: This article analyses South Korea’s diplomatic response to Salvador Allende’s electoral victory. It focuses on how the “Chilean road to socialism,” with its respect for democratic institutions on the one hand and its decision to establish relations with socialist countries on the other, called into question one of the basic tenets of South Korean foreign policy at the time, namely the immediate severance of diplomatic relations with those countries that recognised North Korea. Methodology: The historiographical analysis is based primarily on the documentary holdings of the South Korean Diplomatic Archives. Originality: To date, there is no publication on South Korea’s position vis-à-vis the Unidad Popular government. With the addition of South Korea as a new “peripheral” actor, this article presents an innovative look at the challenges that the “Chilean way” posed to the divided nations, and it illustrates the global impact of Salvador Allende’s triumph in the 1970 presidential elections. Conclusions: South Korea closely followed the responses of other divided nations and faced the dilemma of breaking or maintaining relations with the Unidad Popular government, opting to soften its ideological stance not to lose ground in Chile to North Korea. The exceptional nature of the Chilean project, which sought to promote change within a democratic framework, played an important role in this decision, as it was impossible to question its legitimacy. Ultimately, South Korea eventually discarded its own foreign policy doctrine. While other elements contributed to this change, it is possible to argue that the South Korean experience in Chile had an impact on the way in which that country related to the world. Moreover, the sources consulted raise new questions about Unidad Popular’s foreign policy and its handling of the “Korean question”. Objetivo/Contexto: Este artículo analiza la respuesta diplomática de Corea del Sur a la victoria electoral de Salvador Allende; se centra en cómo la “vía chilena al socialismo”, con su respeto por las instituciones democráticas, por un lado, y su decisión de establecer relaciones con los países socialistas, por otro, puso en entredicho uno de los principios básicos de la política exterior surcoreana de la época, a saber, la ruptura inmediata de relaciones con aquellos países que reconocieran a Corea del Norte. Metodología: El análisis historiográfico se basa, principalmente, en el acervo documental de los archivos diplomáticos de Corea del Sur. Originalidad: Hasta la fecha, no existe ninguna publicación acerca de la posición de Corea del Sur frente al Gobierno de la Unidad Popular (UP). Con la incorporación de Corea del Sur como un nuevo actor nuevo “periférico”, este artículo presenta una mirada innovadora a los desafíos que la “Vía chilena” planteó a las naciones divididas, y también una muestra del impacto global del triunfo de Salvador Allende en las elecciones presidenciales de 1970. Conclusiones: Corea del Sur siguió de cerca las respuestas de otras naciones divididas y, ante el dilema de romper o mantener relaciones con el Gobierno de la UP, optó por flexibilizar su postura ideológica para no perder terreno en Chile frente a Corea del Norte. En esta decisión, jugó un papel importante la excepcionalidad del proyecto chileno que buscaba impulsar cambios en un marco democrático, pues era imposible cuestionar su legitimidad. Finalmente, Corea del Sur acabó descartando su propia doctrina de política exterior. Y, aunque hay otros elementos que contribuyeron a este cambio, es posible argumentar que la experiencia surcoreana en Chile tuvo un impacto en la forma en que ese país se relacionaba con el mundo. Adicionalmente, las fuentes consultadas plantean nuevos interrogantes sobre la política exterior de la UP y su manejo de la “cuestión coreana”. Objetivo/contexto: neste artigo, é analisada a resposta diplomática da Coreia do Sul à vitória eleitoral de Salvador Allende; o texto se concentra em como o “caminho chileno para o socialismo”, com seu respeito pelas instituições democráticas, por um lado, e sua decisão de estabelecer relações com os países socialistas, por outro, questionou um dos princípios básicos da política externa sul-coreana na época, ou seja, o rompimento imediato das relações com os países que reconheciam a Coreia do Norte. Metodologia: a análise historiográfica baseia-se principalmente no patrimônio documental dos arquivos diplomáticos da Coreia do Sul. Originalidade: até o momento, não há nenhuma publicação sobre a posição da Coreia do Sul com relação ao governo da Unidade Popular. Com a incorporação da Coreia do Sul como um novo ator “periférico”, este artigo apresenta uma visão inovadora dos desafios que o “caminho chileno” representou para as nações divididas e uma amostra do impacto global do triunfo de Salvador Allende nas eleições presidenciais de 1970. Conclusões: a Coreia do Sul acompanhou de perto as respostas de outras nações divididas e, diante do dilema de romper ou manter relações com o governo da Unidade Popular, optou por suavizar sua posição ideológica para não perder terreno no Chile para a Coreia do Norte. A natureza excepcional do projeto chileno, que buscava promover mudanças dentro de uma estrutura democrática, desempenhou um papel importante nessa decisão, pois era impossível questionar sua legitimidade. No final, a Coreia do Sul acabou descartando sua doutrina de política externa. E, embora existam outros elementos que contribuíram para essa mudança, é possível argumentar que a experiência sul-coreana no Chile teve um impacto na maneira como o país se relacionou com o mundo. Além disso, as fontes consultadas levantam novos questionamentos sobre a política externa da Unidade Popular e sua forma de lidar com a “questão coreana”.

In the first two decades of the Cold War, Australia fought in three conflicts and prepared to fight in a possible wider conflagration in Southeast Asia and the Pacific. In Korea, Malaya and Borneo, Australian forces encountered new types of warfare, integrated new equipment and ideas, and were part of the longest continual overseas deployments in Australia's history. Working closely with its allies, Australia also trained for a large conventional war in Southeast Asia, while a significant percentage of the defence force guarded the Papua New Guinea-Indonesian border. At home, the Defence organisation grappled with new threats and military expansion, while the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation defended the nation from domestic and foreign threats. This book examines this crucial part of Australia's security history, so often overlooked as merely a precursor to the Vietnam War. It addresses key questions such as how did Australia achieve its security goals at home and in the region in this new Cold War environment? What were the experiences of the services, units and individuals serving in Southeast Asia? How did this period shape Australia's defence for years to come?

Purpose-The socialist bloc viewed the sphere of social security and welfare as an important aspect of their domestic policies, and North Korea was no exception, with its leaders stressing the essentiality of public health services for the country and the nation. However, in the Cold War setting even the public healthcare sphere was not exempt from being influenced by international and intra-bloc politics. This article explores the process of setting up of the North Korean healthcare system in the first post-independence decades, tracing also how changes in intra-bloc balance of power, international situation, and domestic policies were reflected on it. Design, Methodology, Approach-This article brings to scholarly attention declassified and unexplored documents from the archives of the Soviet army and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, along with North Korean publications on the topic of social healthcare. It adds to the ever-growing body of research on welfare in the socialist bloc, tracing the development of healthcare system in North Korea from its initial formation in the second half of the 1940s, through the 1950s and into the 1960s and the finalization of the system that was to stay in place until the collapse of the socialist bloc and arguably is still present even nowadays. Findings-Through the exploration of the establishment and development of North Koreas healthcare system in the first post-colonial decades, this article argues that in the Cold War-and especially in its first decades-the public healthcare sphere was one of the important mirrors of the changes in domestic politics and the leadership's international stance. Practical Implications-This article may contribute to better understanding of the North Korean healthcare system in the Cold War, its origins and links to the Soviet Union and \"fraternal countries,\" as well as add a new dimension the explorations on the North Korean-Soviet relations in the 19405-19605. Originality, Value-By bringing some of the primary sources to scholarly attention for the first time, this article contributes to the growing body of research on North Korea's domestic sphere in the Cold War. It brings attention to the underexplored topic of North Korea's healthcare system and links it to international and intra-bloc politics.

Blick ins BuchSiegesgewiss plante General Douglas MacArthur, Oberkommandierenderder UN-Streitkrafte in Korea, eine groangelegte Offensive, die einen kraftvollen Vorsto aller Truppen nach Norden vorsah. Am chinesischen Grenzfluss Yalu sollte der nordkoreanische Gegner endgultig zerschlagen und der Koreakrieg noch vor Ablauf des Jahres 1950 beendet werden. Wahrend die UN-Truppen in der bergigen Landschaft beiderseits des Flusses Cheongcheon vorruckten, formierte sich unerkannt ein gewaltiger chinesischer Gegenangriff, der die ambitionierte Offensive in eine schwere Niederlage verwandelte. Wir stehen einem vollig neuen Krieg gegenuber lautete das Urteil MacArthurs, der erkannte, dass die chinesische Intervention fortan die Strategie in Korea nachhaltig verandern wurde. Die Schlacht am Cheongcheon ist damit nicht nur ein Wendepunkt des Koreakrieges, sondern auch ein Schlusselereignis des Kalten Krieges. Oliver Heyn analysiert die taktischen Entscheidungen der Generale ebenso wie die Erfahrungen und Emotionen der Soldaten, die in extremer Kalte um jedes Stuck Boden rangen. Am Ende steht die Einsicht, dass trotz uberlegener Technik und Material der Faktor Mensch die entscheidende Komponente auf dem Schlachtfeld bleibt.

executive summary: This article addresses the potential for North Korea to bolster its nuclear forces and counter U.S. extended nuclear deterrence for South Korea by pursuing a potential nuclear umbrella arrangement with Russia. main argumentNorth Korea has recently emphasized its ambition to achieve the reunification of the Korean Peninsula by even nuclear means if necessary. To this end, Pyongyang has sought to undermine U.S. extended nuclear deterrence to South Korea through its brinkmanship counter-deterrence strategy, which involves threatening nuclear strikes on U.S. cities. A new factor in this strategy is the possible role of Russia after Pyongyang and Moscow signed a partnership agreement in 2024. North Korea’s strategy would be further reinforced should it acquire technological assistance and possible extended nuclear deterrence from Russia. policy implications• The U.S. and South Korea should conduct a thorough analysis of North Korea’s intentions, strategies, and posture regarding its counter-deterrence brinkmanship aimed at neutralizing U.S. extended nuclear deterrence and devise appropriate countermeasures. •The U.S. and South Korea will want to closely monitor potential collaboration between Russia and North Korea on nuclear-related technologies and posture and should consider regular meetings or joint working groups between their intelligence agencies to facilitate this. •The existing U.S.–South Korea Nuclear Consultative Group could be expanded to include Japan and Australia, creating a “Nuclear Planning Group–Pacific” to address the exacerbated North Korean nuclear threat in multilateral ways. •The U.S. should communicate to Russia that transferring nuclear missile technology or providing extended nuclear deterrence to North Korea constitutes a direct challenge to U.S. security interests. •Long-term, practical measures to strengthen the U.S. nuclear umbrella for South Korea could include the consistent deployment of U.S. nuclear-powered ballistic missile submarines near the Korean Peninsula or forward deployment of certain nuclear weapons in Guam.