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The current study is concerned with one of the most important matters that the Western world ought to examine scientifically and objectively. It is a counterpart to Orientalism in terms of importance. Its origins go back to the early Islamic eras, represented by the efforts of Muslim travelers and historians. The study adopts a historical, analytical, and descriptive approach which is based on a group of geographical and historical sources and references. It is believed that Occidentalism is an independent science that is concerned with studying the West objectively and is not merely a reaction to Orientalism. The confusion between Occidentalism and Westernization has led to a misunderstanding of this field, which requires correcting the terminology and re-distinguishing between the two concepts. The roots of Occidentalism go back to the early Islamic eras, and its motives are diverse. The study concludes that Occidentalism is a stand-alone science that deserves more careful studies to understand its origins, developments, and goals, away from confusion with Westernization. It also represents an effective means of confronting the Western distortion of Islamic culture and history, by studying it in an objective and precise scientific manner. The study recommends the need to strengthen academic studies on Occidentalism and open new horizons to explore its developments and effects on Islamic and global thought.

This article seeks to deepen understanding of the global politics of reactionary discursive formations, which at the current conjuncture increasingly coalesce around self-victimising articulations of racial nationalism and a rejection of social justice struggles, often delegitimated as ‘elitist’ in Western core contexts or ‘Western’ in postcolonial spaces. Drawing on insights from feminist and postcolonial scholarship on racial entanglements, masculinism, and Occidentalism, I argue that racialised and gendered imaginations about an emasculated and overly multiracial West and, relatedly, renewed East/West binaries enable reactionary discourses in both Western societies and elsewhere through adaptable mechanisms of mediating between the international and the domestic. I then extend an analysis of global racial entanglements and gendered East/West binaries to Chinese anti- baizuo discourse from both online nationalists and dissident intellectuals, which provides a prime example of how grammars of global reactionary discourse are localised in different political projects and ideological constellations. It demonstrates how reactionary imaginations of the West are instrumental for animating narratives of racial-civilisational hierarchy and masculinist notions of politics and society hostile to egalitarian and emancipatory ideals in a ‘non-Western’ context. Moreover, by highlighting overlaps and divergence in the refashioning of dualistic constructs in American and Chinese ‘anti-woke’ narratives, I show that reactionary discourses operate not only across the geopolitical divide, but also through it, invoked by opposing political forces sharing ethnonationalist and masculinist logics in processes of mutual othering to perpetuate antagonistic identities. The article contributes to the intersection between critical research on the global right and postcolonial International Relations (IR).

The current study aimed to reaffirm the framing of Occidentalism as an academic discipline that has a more constructive value, rather than placing it solely as a form of euphoric criticism and resistance to Orientalism and the West.  The decline of Occidentalism as an academic discipline has been caused by framing which narrows its intellectual activities and allows it to function only as a critique of Orientalism. Previous studies concluded that Occidentalism is only the anti-thesis of Orientalism, although how Occidentalism – as a scientific discipline – composes its scientific paradigm, is barely discussed. What does Occidentalism actually criticize and how does it construct its epistemology as an important scientific discipline? This question is important to elaborate on the existence of Occidentalism. The current research conducted an in-depth study of the opinions and arguments of scientists, such as Edward W. Said, Hassan Hanafi, Sayyid Qutb, and Seyyed Hossein Nasr. By investigating the domain of their views, especially on Orientalism and the West, critical and dialectical themes were also classified to find the epistemological construction of Occidentalism. The findings showed that Occidentalism has ontological, epistemological, and axiological constructs which dialectically reveal the weaknesses of Orientalism. However, a more exploratory and important finding is that the epistemological construction of Occidentalism is divided into four major dialectical streams. Firstly, the critique of civilizational values, secondly, revealing the ontological, epistemological, and axiological structures, thirdly, offering a balanced discipline of study, and fourthly the discovery of a new path for Western civilization.

The article presents an analysis of everyday cosmopolitanism in constructions of Europe among young Romanian nationals living in Britain. Adopting a social representations approach, cosmopolitanism is understood as a cultural symbolic resource that is part of everyday knowledge. Through a discursively oriented analysis of focus group data, we explore the ways in which notions of cosmopolitanism intersect with images of Europeanness in the accounts of participants. We show that, for our participants, representations of Europe are anchored in an Orientalist schema of West-vs.-East, whereby the West is seen as epitomising European values of modernity and progress, while the East is seen as backward and traditional. Our findings further show that representations of cosmopolitanism reinforce this East/West dichotomy, within a discourse of ‘Occidental cosmopolitanism’. The article concludes with a critical discussion of the diverse and complex ideological foundations of these constructions of European cosmopolitanism and their implications.

The sources shaping a moral theory range from “reason” to “societal command” to “religious texts.” The prominence and relationship between these sources is contingent upon the ethicists’ approaches and inquiries. Although Kant’s proposition of “pure reason” as a source of moral obligation marks a significant turning point in the field of ethics, scholars like Søren Aabye Kierkegaard argue for a divine command law of ethics, where religious texts become an inevitable source complementing individual ethical choices. This essay explores the intersection of religious texts and reasoning—the fusion between heteronomy and autonomy as sources of morality. It analyzes Muḥammad ʿAbd Allāh Drāz’s “Moral Obligation” as a categorical imperative within moral theories and his incorporation of Western scholars such as Immanuel Kant and Henri Bergson into his work, among others. The discussion features a significant episode of Muslim intellectual engagement with Western scholarship and its impact on understanding morality in the Qurʾān. The study shows that Drāz’s La Morale du Koran adapts certain Western ethical theories and reinterprets specific Qurʾanic passages, creating a new synthesis: an integration of knowledge.

Whereas \"orientalism\" describes how the West sees the East, \"occidentalism\" describes how the East sees the West. This paper presents two examples of occidentalism from Vietnam in the 1920s: a pamphlet that praises American civilization through a comparison of Europe and America, and an essay that praises American heroism through the story of George Washington. Far from venerating the \"West\" at the expense of their own \"Eastern\" values, I show how the authors construct essentialist claims about America through a native lens—a lens that praises both Eastern Confucian values and Western \"liberal\" values—for strategic, anticolonial purposes.

This essay proposes the epistemic ethos of passionate humility for knowledge production about global constitutionalism in the aftermath of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. By employing the conceptual strategy of elucidation, passionate humility can reveal a counter-intuitively counter-hegemonic use of the global constitutionalist triad of human rights, democracy and the rule of law in the Ukrainian resistance against Russia’s war. As an approach to knowledge production, passionate humility addresses epistemic ignorance by retrieving situated non-imperial knowledges while also confronting the ambivalent politics of such knowledges. It therefore hints at how we can both decentre and make use of resources associated with global constitutionalism, without valorizing western elitist discourses, reinscribing the inter-imperial mode of knowledge production or sanitizing vernacular knowledges. Passionate humility does so in three moves: it problematizes hegemonic epistemic frames (either west-centred or Russia-centred); it foregrounds complex social agency, which resists a fixed theoretical or ideological language; and it reveals the contextual deployment of the Occidentalist language of global constitutionalism in the Ukrainian public discourse as a practice of negotiated subjecthood. Such practice can be counter-hegemonic without being inherently progressive.

One of the interesting aspects of Russian self‐definition in opposition to the West is its attitude toward Western science. Russian distrust of scientific and technological progress in the West is an important force shaping contemporary Russian identity. This article touches on these issues in four parts. The first section characterizes two main conservative circles that are active in today's disputes over the significance of scientific development for Russian identity. The second demonstrates certain Russian contemporary concerns related to scientific and technological progress, which will enable us to explain the position of the Russian Orthodox Church. The third section presents the political, religious, and identity context for the suspicion toward science expressed by Russian conservatives. The final section, on the other hand, discusses the way in which Russian Orthodox neoconservatism uses Orthodox anthropology to raise suspicion toward scientific and technological achievements.