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This article attempts to provide some examples of Ceylon's Governor's and the Secretary of State for the Colonies' uses of telegrams in communicating official correspondence. It also tries to describe the limitations of using telegrams to this end. The analysis of the article starts from 1870 -- after telegraphic communication between Ceylon and England became established and stable by Ceylon's connection to the Red Sea Cable through its telegraphic link with Madras, India. The period of examination of this article ends right around the turn of the twentieth-century, for reasons of frame. The materials consulted herein include telegrams and letters found in Ceylon's original correspondence records kept at the National Archives in Kew, London. Adapted from the source document.

Continues from First Series 67, with the years 1618-1622, .together with Cocks's correspondence with the East India Company and others. This is a new print-on-demand hardback edition of the volume first published in 1883.

Although Sam Houston would eventually emerge as the dominant shaper of the developing Texas Republic’s destiny, many visions competed for preeminence. One of Houston’s sharpest critics, Gen. Albert Sidney Johnston, is the subject of this fascinating edition of letters from the period. Donald E. Willett offers new annotation and analysis to these letters from Johnston’s colleagues, friends, and supporters—first collected and edited by contrarian scholar Margaret Swett Henson, but never before published.  

Today, the lowest COVID-19 vaccination rates in the USA are overwhelmingly in Republican-leaning states and counties.1 At a time when the delta variant is spreading, these are also the areas experiencing surges in admissions to hospital and intensive care.1 If political divides on COVID-19 vaccination become ingrained, the consequences could include greater resistance to all vaccination and outbreaks of other vaccine-preventable diseases. Republican elected officials in multiple states have accepted the framing of vaccination as a matter of personal liberty, with several states passing laws prohibiting private businesses from requiring COVID-19 vaccination.5 Once a public health issue becomes politicised, walking back the partisanship becomes difficult, while addressing the challenge head on risks exacerbating the problem. [...]invest in research.

The explosive rise of generative AI is already transforming journalism, finance, and medicine, but it could also have a disruptive influence on politics. For example, asking a chatbot how to navigate a complicated bureaucracy or to help draft a letter to an elected official could bolster civic engagement. However, that same technology—with its potential to produce disinformation and misinformation at scale—threatens to interfere with democratic representation, undermine democratic accountability, and corrode social and political trust. This essay analyzes the scope of the threat in each of these spheres and discusses potential guardrails for these misuses, including neural networks used to identify generated content, self-regulation by generative-AI platforms, and greater digital literacy on the part of the public and elites alike.

In 2008, the US Supreme Court in District of Columbia у Heller held that, pursuant to the Second Amendment, individuals have a right to possess (\"keep\") ordinary arms \"in common use\" at their homes for the purpose of self-defense.' In 2022, in New York State Pistol & Rifle Association v Bruen, the Supreme Court expanded on the Second Amendment and held that individuals also have a right to carry (\"bear\") \"commonly used arms in public subject to certain reasonable, well-defined restrictions.\" [...]sensitive places are akin to \"gun-free zones,\" where the possession of personal firearms by private individuals is lawfully prohibited.® Although the prohibition of arms in certain sensitive places has a long historical tradition in the United States, the idea of explicitly designated gun-free zones only traces its roots to the mid-1980s.·· In recent years, gun-free zones have become a focal point of public debate.\" [...]looking beyond potential mass-casualty acts of violence, the latest evidence suggests that gun-free zones at schools and bars have protective effects against gun violence at these locations.\" · Equally important, there is little evidence to suggest, regardless of the scenario, that gun-allowing zones experience significantly less gun violence than gun-free zones. 19 Although additional research on this topic is welcome, the emerging view suggests that gun-free zones appear to be fulfilling their legislative intent: they appear to be keeping people in such sensitive places relatively safer. [...]for each of these location categories, another consistent pattern is that non-gun owners expressed greater support for sensitive-place prohibitions than gun owners.\" ·? Although this is a significant finding, it is also one that requires nuance in terms of interpretation.

Recently, I received a text from my mom asking howto describe her symptom-\"amar haath paa chabay\"- in English. Literally, this means \"my hands and feet are chewing,\" but I knew the translation had to make sense In a medical context. After a few minutes of deliberating on the feelings evoked by various English words, I decided the closest translation was \"my hands and feet are throbbing.\" As a daughter of Bangladeshi Immigrants, being an on-call Interpreter was not new. Although my parents are now very comfortable speaking English, there are still times they need help finding just the right words to describe what they want to say.Many children of Immigrants living in the United States share the experience of growing up as interpreters and translators for their limited English proficient (LEP) parents. LEP refers to \"individuals who do not speak English as their primary language and have a limited ability to read, speak, write, or understand English.\"1 According to 2013 US census data, 25.4 million Americans identified as having limited English proficiency,2 a number that continues to grow.Growing up, the primary language spoken In our household was Sylheti, a dialect of Bangia, which allowed my siblings and me to become fluent In Bangia. The significance of us learning our mother tongue is particularly noteworthy given the history of Bangladesh. During Bangladesh's fight for independence and liberation from West Pakistan, one ofthe most renowned campaigns was the language movement against the declaration of Urdu as the official state language. During a protest In 1952, five university students were murdered and thousands more injured.3 Since then, February 21 has been celebrated In Bangladesh as Shohid Dibosh, Language Martyrs' Day. Yet, although some fought and died for the right to speak Bangia, US cultural structures are restricting the Bangladeshi community from using their mother tongue by forcing them to speak English to achieve an adequate quality of life.