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Women tend to be segregated into different subspecialties than men within male-dominated occupations, but the mechanisms contributing to such intra-occupational gender segregation remain obscure. In this study, I use data from an online recruiting platform and a survey to examine the hiring mechanisms leading to gender segregation within software engineering and development. I find that women are much more prevalent among workers hired in software quality assurance than in other software subspecialties. Importantly, jobs in software quality assurance are lower-paying and perceived as lower status than jobs in other software subspecialties. In examining the origins of this pattern, I find that it stems largely from women being more likely than men to apply for jobs in software quality assurance. Further, such gender differences in job applications are attenuated among candidates with stronger educational credentials, consistent with the idea that relevant accomplishments help mitigate gender differences in self-assessments of competence and belonging in these fields. Demand-side selection processes further contribute to gender segregation, as employers penalize candidates with quality assurance backgrounds, a subspecialty where women are overrepresented, when they apply for jobs in other, higher-status software subspecialties.

Wage/earnings inequalities are one source of overall inequality in a country. The former inequalities in turn are closely linked with differential occupational status either defined in a contractual or productive/skill sense. Using the Pakistan Standard Classification of Occupations [PSCO (1994)], this paper estimates Gini coefficients for three types (all types, employee, selfemployed) of individuals/earners by occupational status from the Pakistan Integrated Household Survey (PIHS) 2001-02 and Pakistan Social and Living Standards Measurement Survey (PSLM) 2004-05. Long-term trends in earnings inequality from 1992-93 to 2004-05 are documented with the benchmark estimates in the Ahmad (2002) study, while the short-term trends are measured from 2001-02 to 2004-05 for self-employed and paid employee. The long- as well as the short-term trends indicate rising earnings disparities within each occupational category. Over the longer period, these disparities have risen in the range of 50 to 100 percent. Shifts across occupation and across employment status indicate doubling of the share of Shop and Market Sales and Services Workers and the transition towards becoming self-employed. A few tentative explanations for the observed increasing occupational inequalities at the individual level are: (a) Availability of credit and improved efficiency of capital market may have relaxed capital constraints of former employees and enabled them to transit as self-employed. Right-sizing and down-sizing in public organisations may also have pushed the previous employees into utilising the ‘golden handshake’ packages towards self-employment. Assuming that returns on capital (internal or borrowed) are higher and financial contracts are more lucrative than wage contracts, the situation can lead to wider disparities. (b) At the paid employee level, the fall in the share of workers in elementary occupations improved the wage contracts of those still remaining in this occupation, and thereby increased the income/earnings inequality within this category. (c) Premium on skills, education, experience, and talent, in spite of the entry of a large number of individuals in the Service, Shop and Market Sales Workers category, has widened the inequalities within this category.

Objective This study aimed to understand whether the proportionate mortality of COVID-19 for various occupational groups has varied over the pandemic. Methods We used the Office for National Statistics (ONS) mortality data for England and Wales. The deaths (20-64 years) were classified as either COVID-19-related using ICD-10 codes (U07.1, U07.2), or from other causes. Occupational data recorded at the time of death was coded using the SOC10 coding system into 13 groups. Three time periods (TP) were used: (i) January 2020 to September 2020; (ii) October 2020-May 2021; and (iii) June 2021-October 2021. We analyzed the data with logistic regression and compared odds of death by COVID-19 to other causes, adjusting for age, sex, deprivation, region, urban/rural and population density. Results Healthcare professionals and associates had a higher proportionate odds of COVID-19 death in TP1 compared to non-essential workers but were not observed to have increased odds thereafter. Medical support staff had increased odds of death from COVID-19 during both TP1 and TP2, but this had reduced by TP3. This latter pattern was also seen for social care, food retail and distribution, and bus and coach drivers. Taxi and cab drivers were the only group that had higher odds of death from COVID-19 compared to other causes throughout the whole period under study [TP1: odds ratio (OR) 2.42, 95% confidence interval (CI) 1.99-2.93; TP2: OR 3.15, 95% CI 2.63-3.78; TP3: OR 1.7, 95% CI 1.26-2.29]. Conclusion Differences in the odds of death from COVID-19 between occupational groups has declined over the course of the pandemic, although some occupations have remained relatively high throughout.

In many OECD countries, women are underrepresented in high status, high paying occupations and overrepresented in lower status work. One reason for this inequity is the “motherhood penalty,” where women with children face more roadblocks in hiring and promotions than women without children or men with children. This research focuses on divergent occupational outcomes between men and women with children and analyzes whether parental gender gaps in occupational status are more extreme for immigrant populations. Using data from the Luxembourg Cross-National Data Center, I compare changes in gendered occupational segregation from 2000 to 2016 in Germany and the USA among immigrant and native-born parents. Multinomial logistic regression models and predicted probabilities show that despite instituting policies intended to reduce parental gender inequality in the workforce, Germany fares worse than the USA in gendered occupational outcomes overall. While the gap between mothers’ and fathers’ probabilities of employment in high status jobs is shrinking over time in Germany, particularly for immigrant mothers, Germany’s gender gaps in professional occupations are consistently larger than gaps in the US. Likewise, gender gaps in elementary/labor work participation are also larger in Germany, with immigrant mothers having a much higher likelihood of working in labor/elementary occupations than any other group—including US immigrant women. These findings suggest that work-family policies—at least those implemented in Germany—are not cure-all solutions for entrenched gender inequality. Results also demonstrate the importance of considering the interaction between gender and other demographic characteristics—like immigrant status—when determining the potential effectiveness of proposed work-family policies.

The aim of this study is to estimate the association between employment conditions and mental health status in the working population of Iberoamerica. In this cross-sectional study, we pooled individual-level data from nationally representative surveys across 13 countries. A sample of 180,260 workers was analyzed. Informality was assessed by social security, health affiliation, or contract holding. Mental health was assessed using several instruments. We used Poisson regression models to estimate the contribution of informality to poor mental health by sex and country, adjusted by sociodemographic and work-related characteristics. Then, we performed a meta-analysis pooling of aggregate data using a random-effects inverse-variance model. Workers in informal employments showed a higher adjusted prevalence ratio (aPR) of poor mental health than those in formal employment in Peru (aPR men 1.5 [95% confidence intervals 1.16; 1.93]), Spain (aPR men 2.2 [1.01; 4.78]) and Mexico (aPR men 1.24 [1.04; 1.47]; women 1.39 [1.18; 1.64]). Overall estimates showed that workers in informal employment have a higher prevalence of poor mental health than formal workers, with it being 1.19 times higher (aPR 1.19 [1.02; 1.39]) among men, and 1.11 times higher prevalence among women (aPR 1.11 [1.00; 1.23]). Addressing informal employment could contribute to improving workers’ mental health.

Background: European societies are becoming increasingly ethnically diverse. This may have important implications for socio-economic inequalities in health due to the often disadvantaged position of ethnic minority groups in both socio-economic status (SES) and disease, especially cardiovascular disease (CVD). Objective: The aim of this study was to determine whether the socio-economic gradient of estimated CVD risk differs between ethnic groups. Methods: Using the Healthy Life in an Urban Setting study, we obtained data on SES and CVD risk factors among participants from six ethnic backgrounds residing in Amsterdam. SES was measured using educational level and occupational level. CVD risk was estimated based on the occurrence of CVD risk factors using the Dutch version of the systematic coronary risk evaluation algorithm. Ethnic disparities in socio-economic gradients for estimated CVD risk were determined using the relative index of inequality (RII). Results: Among Dutch-origin men, the RII for estimated CVD risk according to educational level was 6.15% (95% confidence interval [CI] 4.35–7.96%), indicating that those at the bottom of the educational hierarchy had a 6.15% higher estimated CVD risk relative than those at the top. Among Dutch-origin women, the RII was 4.49% (CI 2.45–6.52%). The RII was lower among ethnic minority groups, ranging from 0.83% to 3.13% among men and −0.29% to 5.12% among women, indicating weaker associations among these groups. Results were similar based on occupational level. Conclusions : Ethnic background needs to be considered in associations between SES and disease. The predictive value of SES varies between ethnic groups and may be quite poor for some groups.

Rocked by a flurry of high-profile sex discrimination lawsuits in the 1990s, Wall Street was supposed to have cleaned up its act. It hasn't.Selling Women Shortis a powerful new indictment of how America's financial capital has swept enduring discriminatory practices under the rug. Wall Street is supposed to be a citadel of pure economics, paying for performance and evaluating performance objectively. People with similar qualifications and performance should receive similar pay, regardless of gender. They don't. Comparing the experiences of men and women who began their careers on Wall Street in the late 1990s, Louise Roth finds not only that women earn an average of 29 percent less but also that they are shunted into less lucrative career paths, are not promoted, and are denied the best clients. Selling Women Shortreveals the subtle structural discrimination that occurs when the unconscious biases of managers, coworkers, and clients influence performance evaluations, work distribution, and pay. In their own words, Wall Street workers describe how factors such as the preference to associate with those of the same gender contribute to systematic inequality. Revealing how the very systems that Wall Street established ostensibly to combat discrimination promote inequality,Selling Women Shortcloses with Roth's frank advice on how to tackle the problem, from introducing more tangible performance criteria to curbing gender-stereotypical client entertaining activities. Above all, firms could stop pretending that market forces lead to fair and unbiased outcomes. They don't.

Background One underexamined factor in the study of lay views of socioeconomic health inequalities is occupation-related health. Examining health by occupational social class has a long history in the UK but has been comparatively overlooked in US public health literatures, where the relationship between health and work has attended more to hazard exposure. Methods Representative samples of the UK and US indicated the perceived and ideal lifespan of people working in “higher managerial/professional” and “routine” occupations. We examine perceptions of inequality and desires for equality across occupation groups as a function of country and key socio-demographic variables. Results 67.8% of UK and 53.7% of US participants identified that professionals live longer than routine workers. Multivariate models indicated that US participants were markedly less likely to be aware of occupation-related inequalities after controlling for age, gender, and education. Awareness was negatively related to age (in the US) and recent voting behaviours (both samples). Desiring equal life expectancy was less likely in the US sample, and less likely across both samples among older participants and those with lower levels of education. Conclusion Employing a novel approach to measuring perceived and ideal life expectancy inequality, this is the first study to examine perceptions of lifespan inequality by occupational groups. It reports widespread understanding of the occupation-related gradient in lifespan and a desire that these inequalities be eliminated in the UK, but considerably less awareness and desire for equality in the US. Greater tolerance for social status inequalities in the US than other similar countries appear to also extend to differences in life expectancy.

The study provides new evidence of the influence of occupational regulations on the U.S. economy. Our analysis, unlike previous studies, was able to obtain a representative sample of the population at the state level, which allowed us to estimate the cross-sectional effects of occupational licensing for each state. The state-level analysis demonstrates considerable variation in percentage of the workforce that has attained a license, and unlike minimum wages or unionization, licensing shows no regional patterns in the distribution of occupational licensing. The analysis also shows considerable variation in the influence of licensing on earnings across the states. The national estimates suggest that occupational licensing raises wages by about 11% after controlling for human capital and other observable characteristics. Finally, our analysis shows the influence of occupational regulation on wage inequality across the income distribution.