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The extreme vulnerability of the world's oceans & the national interests which vie for control of them, make the whole question of present & future options imperative. Extension of coastal boundaries, desire for oceanbed exploitation rights, demand for military preparedness & surveillance, & industrial & human pollution of offshore & landlocked wastes, make even the smallest island no longer isolated from international concern. National & international desire for economic exploitation & expansion are countered by national & international calls for stricter controls of the water's use--especially with regard to pollution or activities that severely upset natural balances. Individual countries can demand strict adherence to a national code for water or offshore seabed use, but cannot enforce those demands within the international community. Water areas shared by several nations, or where claimed rights overlap, are in particular peril. The most imperative concern should be directed toward eliciting the cooperation of each nation through appeals to the interdependence of all. T. Babitsky.

Five 'Big Science' oceanographic research projects were studied, each involving many scientists from multiple institutions and disciplines attempting to focus their work on a common research goal. Three of the projects had reputations of success in the ocean science community; the other two projects were reputedly unsuccessful. Descriptions of each project, compiled from interviews with participants, were compared in order to discern why some projects were successful and others not. The following factors did not differentiate the more and less successful projects: their formal organizations; the degree of social friction among scientific personnel; and communications problems. These factors did differentiate them: the source of origin of the research problem; the quality and interest of participating scientists; the presence of a persistent core of scientific leaders; and the degree of project independence from the funding agency.

In evolutionist as well as \"developmental\" anthropological literature, social atomism has been linked with internal social conflict. Applied in particular to \"peasant society,\" the notion of an \"atomistic-type society,\" in which interpersonal conflict and antagonism are assumed to be a prevailing part of the \"normative order,\" has been widely accepted. In fact social atomism--understood as a social order which recognizes no collective allegiance and lacks instruments of collective action--is more often combined with a normative pattern that reduces the chance of internal conflict, either by separating the interests of its \"atoms\" or by establishing a network of \"selective reciprocity\" between individuals. An example of the latter is seen in the community of Tristan da Cunha, where overlapping and interlocking individual allegiances create a type of social cohesion which is here labeled \"atomistic social integration.\"

A two-part analysis of the vote in Proposition 20 from the 1972 California election was undertaken. The first part focused on relationships between sentiment in favor of this measure and of that pro or con various other propositions and contests on the same ballot that were of interest as a reflection of social, political, and environmental attitude. Analysis of these votes, based on a state-wide sample of 2,379 precincts, showed the vote on Proposition 20 to be moderately related to several other measures of a social-philosophy significance, but only to a lesser extent to the presidential vote and to another proposition involving a different environmental issue. The second part examined demographic correlates of the vote on Proposition 20, finding only a modest relationship to education and even lower correlations with income and home ownership. The findings indicate a relatively low degree of association between sentiment on an environmental conservation issue such as this one and political preference as well as socioeconomic variables, but somewhat higher correlations with other social issues and values. The results suggest that environmental concern may be more broadly distributed across different socio-economic and political strata of our society than previous investigators have asserted.

In the Comoro Islands the preferred form of marriage is matrilocal nonsororal polygyny. This form is little understood and according to some, impossible. After providing a brief background to the Comoro Islands, this paper illustrates how this marriage pattern operates, and proposes a hypothesis to explain its occurrence in the western Indian Ocean area.

This paper deals with the role of taboos as a means of psycho-cultural adaptation to personal risk among fishermen in southern New England. It is argued that knowledge of wide-spread psycho-cultural ritual adaptations would help planners to select appropriate technological innovations which are more likely to be accepted by, and contribute to the well-being of, fishermen in regions of the world where technological development of fisheries is possible.

Locating the Soviet‐Japanese fishery negotiations of 1957–1977 in the broader perspective of emerging ocean politics, a time series model of negotiation processes and outcomes is constructed to show that the negotiations can best be characterized as the politics of decrementalism. A state space equations model allows some advantage over more conventional estimating procedures. Such a model is constructed to show the nature and characteristics of the decremental outcomes in the bilateral negotiations of 1957–1976 and takes account of the major policy intervention of 1962. The model is used to predict the 1977 negotiation outcomes on the basis of parameters recursively estimated from the 1957–1976 data set. The model, which applies to the bilateral subsystem of a supranational system, gives good predictive performance. Some conclusions and implications are drawn for conflict and its resolution in the context of Soviet‐Japanese relations, as well as in the context of bilateral negotiations in the new ocean order.

The views of the US economist & social philosopher, H. George, as presented in his work, Progress and Poverty (no publication information available) on the use of tax measures to make land common property are outlined. The efforts of the UN to maintain \"common property\" status of the deep seabed & the ocean floor are described, including the efforts of A. Pardo, the Ambassador of Malta to the UN, the UN resolution of 1970 that declared the deep seabed to be \"the common heritage of mankind,\" & the treaty negotiated by the UN Seabeds Committee, the US & 150 other nations. One point of contention in the treaty involves the conduct of seabed mining, particularly the mining of manganese nodules. This point must be resolved in order to complete the negotiations successfully. G. Simpson.

From time immemorial, the ocean has provided food, adventure, and inspiration to humanity. In recent years, the nations began to recognize the ocean as an important source of resources. The immense potential of the ocean in providing food and nutrition, particularly protein, began to be reexamined. However the ocean also contains a seed of conflict among nations since claims over ocean resources are overlapping. Attempts to establish the law of the sea have failed to reach an accord with regard to the definition of territorial waters and economic zones. At stake are the freedom of navigation, the right of fishing, and claims over mining deep seabed resources. It is imperative to examine the conflicting claims over ocean resources and to foresee the possible outcome of the law of the sea to avoid scrambles over the ocean resources among nations.

The extension of coastal State jurisdiction to 200-nautical miles--a 'fact of international law' about to receive juridical status--would lead to a unique situation in the ownership of ocean resources, viz. 15 coastal states would receive among them approximately 42 percent of the world's 200-mile economic zone area. At least 8 of these countries are less-developed coastal states (LDCS) which lack the key factors, capital, technology and managerial skill, necessary to tap these resources. As a result, the reliance of the LDCS on marine multinational corporations will markedly increase since a significant part of marine technology exists in the private sector. Concurrently, a dramatic rise in the control of coastal states over MNCs engaged in ocean resource development will occur. Thus, under the new regime of ocean resource management, the relationship between MNCs and Nation-States is likely to be one of constructive partnership in development, rather than one of conflict and discord.