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This article investigates the influence of Saudi Arabia on aspects of Islamic social, political, and economic life in Turkey. Since the 1970s, long before the rise of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) of today, Turkish-Saudi Arabian relations have been characterized by an increasing degree of cooperation, solidarity, and partnership centered on certain economic, diplomatic, social, and cultural activities with a good deal of Islamic content. Turkey's orientation toward the Middle East in general and Saudi Arabia in particular traces to the global oil crisis that started in 1973 and its severe effects on the Turkish economy; it also stems from some of Turkey's foreign policy goals with regard to the Cyprus issue and its relations with regional and global actors. Examples of Saudi influence have included the involvement of Saudi-based non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and multinational corporations (MNCs) in Turkey, Turkey's membership in the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC), and Turkish labor migration to Saudi Arabia, with a spillover effect in a wide range of other arenas. This particular aspect of Turkish-Saudi Arabian relations is analyzed using the theory of complex interdependence, which underscores the importance of economic, social, and cultural issues in international relations in addition to that of traditional political, diplomatic, and military goals.

The World Islamic Conference, held in Jerusalem in 1931 under the auspices of Hajj Amin al-Husayni and the Supreme Muslim Council, marked a turning point in the Palestinian nationalist struggle as well as in the struggle between the two main factions-the more extremist one led by Hajj Amin and the more moderate Opposition-for control of the Palestinian leadership. The Conference, though co-sponsored by Shawkat 'Ali and the Muslim Indian Congress, and ostensibly representative of the worldwide community of Muslims, was effectively dominated by Hajj Amin and his Palestinian supporters. Through his control of its proceedings, Hajj Amin was able to redefine the Palestinian nationalist cause as essentially a pan-Islamic one, in connection with the perceived need to defend the Muslim holy sites in Jerusalem against Zionist encroachment. Contrasted here with the World Islamic Conference (and held concurrently with it) is the Second Arab Orthodox Congress. Whereas the World Islamic Conference sought to redefine an issue arguably specific to Palestine as pan-Islamic, the local Christian Orthodox community, in keeping with its desire to Arabise Palestine's Greek Orthodox Church (hence their self-designation as the Arab Orthodox Church in Palestine), sought to redefine what was essentially a religious matter-concerning the succession of the Orthodox Patriarch of Jerusalem-in nationalist terms. It was not simply a matter of differing ideological perspectives; defining the cause of the Haram al-Sharif as a pan-Islamic one also served a political objective, namely the enhancement of Hajj Amin's position vis-à-vis his political rivals. Nonetheless, whatever the motivations involved, this development was a factor in the marginalisation of the Christian Arab component of the Palestinian nationalist movement. Whereas at the start of the British Mandate they had played a role disproportionately large relative to their actual numbers, by its end, their role in the nationalist movement had diminished almost to the point of near inconsequence, as evidenced, for instance, by their marginal involvement in the Arab Revolt (1936-1939).

[...] prohibitions do more harm than good, as evidenced by the documented human rights abuses perpetrated under them in countries such as Pakistan and Egypt.82 All U.N. members should oppose both the defamation of religions resolutions and efforts to reinterpret ICCPR Article 20(2) and ICERD Article 4 to encompass allegedly religiously defamatory speech.

Human dignity is the recognition and respect of human need, desire and expectation one individual by another. This recognition is indispensable because no human being survives alone: Human dignity creates the foundation of society and civilization. Our knowledge of history suggests that religious ideas have provided this basic foundation of civilization. Describing the first recognized civilization in history one historian says, “Religion permeated Sumerian civic life.” According to another historian, “Religion dominated, suffused, and inspired all features of Near Eastern society—law, kingship, art, and science.” Based on these observations while defining civilization Samuel Huntington asserts, “Religion is a central defining characteristic of civilizations.” In Islam, the Qur’an declares that: “We have bestowed dignity on the progeny of Adam.” The verse then continues to remind the whole of mankind of God's special favor unto them with physical and intellectual abilities, natural resources and with superiority over most other creatures in the world. This dignity is bestowed through God's act of creating Adam and breathing into him His Own Spirit. Since all human beings originated from Adam and his spouse, every single human being possesses this dignity regardless of color, race, religion and tribe. The whole of mankind, as khalīfah (vice-resenf) is responsible for establishing peace on earth through divinely ordained values such as amānah (trust), ‘adālah (justice) and shūra (consultation).

The Caliphate was abolished 85 years ago; there have been several attempts to resurrected it since. What is the potential for a restoration of the caliphate? A new caliphate was declared in Ramadi in mid-2006 by Islamic insurgents before being quickly crushed by the Iraqi government. Just what exactly is a caliphate, who says there is one or who wants one (for example, both the Americans and Islamists have views on the caliphate) and the ideological justifications for one. Where and how did the caliphate begin, what are the prerequisites to be caliph (according to Muslim sources) and were or are there troubles in the succession? Has there been more than one caliphal dynasty? Who are the heirs, pretenders and illegitimate claimants? Where do such families such as the Moroccan Alaouite royal family, the House of Osman, the exiled-Nizamat of Hyderabad and the Hashemite dynasty of Jordan fit in? Despite there not being a 'legally' recognized Caliphate today, there are existing proto-caliphate structures, such as the Arab League and the Organization of the Islamic Conference. There are also legitimizing legal foundations, such as declarations recorded by the 1926 al-Azhar Caliphate Conference, enabling the possibility of a modern restoration of a caliphate.

This paper examines the impact of the Organization of Islamic Conference (OIC) membership on Malaysian exports. We use the static and dynamic gravity model approaches to analyse the relationship using annual data from 1980 to 2010. The empirical results reveal that the GDP of OIC member countries, FDI of Malaysia, local population size, exchange rate, price ratios, distance and border are the main determinants of Malaysian exports. The evidence also suggests that there is also considerable room for improvement trade between Malaysia and OIC membership countries. [PUBLICATION ABSTRACT]

The OIC's conference, held in Maputo, Mozambique, is highlighted.

This article generally examines the phenomenon of transnational religious actors and seeks to assess the claim that their activities can undermine state sovereignty. It starts from the premise that globalisation facilitates the growth of transnational networks of religious actors. Feeding off each other's ideas and perhaps aiding each other with funds, they are bodies whose main priority is the well-being and advance of their transnational religious community. The article focuses upon two specific transnational religious actors: the Roman Catholic Church and the Organisation of the Islamic Conference. It concludes by noting that, like Islamic radicals, the Catholic Church has been influential in some national contexts in helping undermine the hegemony of authoritarian governments, but that this should not be seen as a more general threat to state sovereignty.

This is a timely study of the international relations of Islamic states, dealing both with the evolving theory of pan-Islamism from classical to post-caliphal times and the foreign-policy practice of contemporary states, especially Saudi Arabia, Iran and Pakistan, from the colonial period to the global aftermath of September 11. With a concise but analytic style, the book engages one-by-one with the questions of political theory, political geography and political sociology as they relate to international Islam. Its primary empirical investigation is centred on the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC), a powerful pan-Islamic regime, sometimes referred to as the 'Muslim United Nations'. In its theoretical deliberations on Islam and the postmodern condition, the book reconstructs contemporary understandings of how religious ideas and identities influence international politics in the Islamic world. Naveed Sheikh is Honorary European Trust Scholar at Churchill College and a doctoral candidate at the Centre of International Studies, University of Cambridge. 'This short, yet ambitious study by a Muslim scholar departs to a large extent from the bulk of the literature of its type ... the author has a passionate style, with not infrequent wit and flair.' - International Affairs 'A significant contribution to the prevalent literature on Islam in the area of International Relations.' - Muslim World Book Review Foreword Acknowledgements 1. Introductory Remarks: The Transcendental Ontology of the OIC 2. The Pan-Islamic Paradigm: Adjusting to the post-Caliphatic Order 2.1 Statement of Intention and Methodological Orientation 2.2 The Trans-Islamic Umma: Political Taxonomy and Epistemic Community 2.3 The Organization of the Islamic Conference: Catalyst, Conception, Inception 2.4 The Charter of the Islamic Conference: Etatism as Fait Accompli 3. A Geo-Political Genealogy of the OIC: The Secular Rationale 3.1 Statement of Intention and Methodological Orientation 3.2 The OIC and Saudi Foreign Policy: Depoliticizing International Islam 3.3 The OIC and Iranian Foreign Policy: Unilateral Multilateralism 3.4 The OIC and Pakistani Foreign Policy: The search for security 3.5 Comparitive Evaluation: A Triangle of Neutralization 4. Self-Identity in Foreign Policy: Bringing Islam Back In 4.1 Statement of Intention and Methodological Orientation 4.2 The Clash of Civilization: Reinventing \"Geo Culturalism\" 4.3 \"Rhetorical Islam\": The Dialectics of Rationale and Discourse 4.4 Post modern Pan-Islamism: The Synthesisof Rationality and \"Aspirationality\" 5. Concluding Reflections: A Mighty Myth-Rise, Demise and Resurrection 6. Appendix A: Member States of the OIC-Territory, Demography, Economy 7. Appendix B: The Institutional Structure of the OIC-A Comprehensive Listing 8. Appendix C: The Triangle of Neutralization: A Schematic Overview 9. Select Bibliography