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The desegregation crisis inLittle Rockis a landmark of American history: on September 4, 1957, after the Supreme Court struck down racial segregation in public schools, Arkansas Governor Orval Faubus called up the National Guard to surround Little Rock Central High School, preventing black students from going in. On September 25, 1957, nine black students, escorted by federal troops, gained entrance. With grace and depth,Little Rockprovides fresh perspectives on the individuals, especially the activists and policymakers, involved in these dramatic events. Looking at a wide variety of evidence and sources, Karen Anderson examines American racial politics in relation to changes in youth culture, sexuality, gender relations, and economics, and she locates the conflicts of Little Rock within the larger political and historical context. Anderson considers how white groups at the time, including middle class women and the working class, shaped American race and class relations. She documents white women's political mobilizations and, exploring political resentments, sexual fears, and religious affiliations, illuminates the reasons behind segregationists' missteps and blunders. Anderson explains how the business elite in Little Rock retained power in the face of opposition, and identifies the moral failures of business leaders and moderates who sought the appearance of federal compliance rather than actual racial justice, leaving behind a legacy of white flight, poor urban schools, and institutional racism. Probing the conflicts of school desegregation in the mid-century South,Little Rockcasts new light on connections between social inequality and the culture wars of modern America.

Klinetobe discusses the political pressures over civil rights that came to a head in the summer of 1957. He asserts that state government efforts to maintain segregation were in large part a reaction to the possibility of the passage of federal civil rights legislation, and discusses the issue of state versus federal authority.

David Helfond, 25 years old, had been charged with capital murder, which carries the death penalty, for the March 3 slaying of Mrs. Faubus, 44.

In 1954, the US supreme court ruled, in Brown v Board of Education (Topeka, Kansas), that segregated, \"separate but equal\" public education was not equal at all. Integration met with fierce resistance throughout the south. Three years later, [Thomas] and eight other children were picked from more than 100 who volunteered to break the colour barrier at Central high. Ironically, some Little Rock elementary schools had been integrated, but Central, the state's biggest high school, was a symbolic bastion for segregationists. Arkansas governor Orval Faubus had been elected in 1954 as a reformer, but had been accused of being a communist and faced a tougher fight in the 1958 primary elections from the more segregationist side of his own Democratic party. When Central opened on 7 September, Faubus ordered the state's National Guard to assist the local police in stopping the nine black students from entering. The sight of baying mobs throwing objects and abuse at these children, while armed soldiers stood in their way, shocked the world.

A picture caption on Thursday about Army troops sent to Little Rock, Ark., in 1957 to...

Mr. [Orval Faubus]'s mobilization of National Guard troops to prevent nine black from enrolling at Central on Sept. 4, 1957, set up a constitutional challenge that prompted President Dwight D. Eisenhower to put the weight of the Federal Government behind court-ordered desegregation. But it was the state's efforts to circumvent desegregation in the years immediately following the crisis that cost the state in court later. \"These laws were ultimately challenged over time and it was these laws that provided the grounds for which the state was found responsible for the segregation of the Little Rock School District,\" Mr. [Skip Rutherford] said. \"In fairness, you can't blame it all on Faubus. Those laws were passed by the Legislature, I'm sure in overwhelming numbers.\"

[Orval Faubus] used National Guard troops to bar nine black youngsters from entering Little Rock Central High. Unruly white mobs, undeterred by local police, gathered outside the school screaming racial slurs and threatening the black children. The crisis grew daily more heated. The Klan burned crosses. Death threats were issued. Parents of some of the black youngsters were fired from their jobs. And Faubus warned that if Central High were integrated \"blood would run in the streets.\" The president responded that day, ordering to Little Rock 1,100 paratroopers from the 101st Airborne Division at Fort Campbell, Ky., a force Faubus denounced as \"an army of occupation.\"

U.S. President Eisenhower today indirectly accused Arkansas Governor [Orval Faubus] of encouraging \"mobs of extremists to flout the orders of a federal court.\" The president said it would have been \"tantamount to acquiescence in anarchy\" and would have resulted in \"dissolution of the union\" if he had not ordered troops into Little Rock to quell violence.

[Orval Faubus], a Democrat appointed by Republican Gov. Frank White, campaigned for White behind the scenes last year and apparently is credited with helping in White's upset of incumbent Gov. Bill Clinton. Blacks and some Republicans have decried the appointment of Faubus, who called out the National Guard in 1957 to prevent integration at Little Rock's Central High School. Robert 'Say' McIntosh, a former Little Rock restaurant owner and black activist, threatened to chain himself to the door of the Veterans Affairs Department today to keep Faubus from entering. White has said Faubus, 71, is an able administrator who served in World War II and is qualified to run the Veterans Affairs office.