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Participatory approaches within development programs involving common-pool resources are intended to revive a community’s role in managing these resources. Certainly, to ensure the successful and equitable use of such resources, community participation is essential. However, in many cases, attempts at applying a participatory approach often fail to genuinely engage all subgroups within a community due to assumptions of homogeneity and a lack of understanding of the deep socio-political divisions between people. As a result, development programs can be plagued by these pre-existing power relations, potentially resulting in tokenistic community participation and the continuation of elite capture of natural resources to the same extent or worse than before a development program has begun. This in turn can negatively impact good governance and the fair distribution of a common pool resource. This paper explores the use of participatory approaches in water projects, assessing to what degree power relationships impact water management programs. Using a qualitative approach, the paper identifies key challenges of participatory water governance through case studies from Turkey, India, and Sri Lanka, exploring: lack of social trust, elite capture of participatory processes, power heterogeneity and imbalances at the micro-level, and a lack of inclusive participation in decision-making. Based on the analysis of these case studies, this paper argues that it is essential for participatory development interventions to understand socio-political power relations within a community—an inherently complex and contested space. The so-called “exit strategy” of a community project play a key role to decide the project sustainability that grants the “community ownership” of the project. Such an understanding can bring about greater success in development interventions attempting to address water-related issues.

In Sociology of Corruption , David Jancsics provides a fresh approach to the study of corruption in Hungary, which once seemed to be the most likely of the ex-communist bloc nations to catch up to the West and is, according to many experts and scholars, a country with a highly corrupt dynamic. Based on data from 2022, Hungary is now the most corrupt member state of the European Union. There is also a consensus among experts that a small clique of corrupt political actors has captured most Hungarian state institutions and a significant portion of the business sector. What fostered corruption in Hungary? What are the most typical forms of corruption in this country? What do Hungarians think about it? What is the role of prime minister Viktor Orbán in this? Sociology of Corruption proposes a novel sociological theory of corruption focusing on social status and relationships, network structures, and power dynamics as important explanatory factors of corrupt behavior. Although his focus is on Hungary, Jancsics's findings are applicable to other nations and cultural contexts.

Studies concerning nonlinear political dynamics, such as regime change, focus on macro-level structural factors and political agency. Tipping points are pitched mainly at these levels, and scholars therefore devote less attention to meso-level factors. To bridge this gap, this article develops a verbal model focusing on the collapse of mechanisms that sustain mythical state institutions as drivers of such dynamics. A mythical institution enjoys a reputation for power and influence among the public based on widespread and persistent stereotypical beliefs that embody a collectivity’s sense of origin and tradition, high performance and stability, and/or vision and mission. The argument advanced here is that nonlinear political dynamics may occur when the collapse of such mechanisms reflects on the unquestioned legitimacy that the mythical state institution enjoys, creating massive embarrassment for the regime because its mythical institution’s status requires government intervention to prevent believers from “fleeing” and/or revolting. This, in turn, undermines or debunks this institution’s myth, thereby generating high levels of anxiety, fear, anger, or other (mixes of) emotions. Which emotional process dominates depends on which reaction is stronger at the moment in question. When the level reaches an affective tipping point, citizens begin to update their evaluations and consider new information. This leads to behavioral convergence (e.g., mass protest, mass emigration, violence), which is in turn accelerated when the regime’s counter-response is publicly perceived as ineffective, thus highlighting the irreversibility of this process. This argument is illustrated herein by examining the 1989 collapse of East Germany’s emigration restrictions system.

Established in 221 BCE, the Chinese empire lasted for 2,132 years before being replaced by the Republic of China in 1912. During its two millennia, the empire endured internal wars, foreign incursions, alien occupations, and devastating rebellions--yet fundamental institutional, sociopolitical, and cultural features of the empire remained intact.The Everlasting Empiretraces the roots of the Chinese empire's exceptional longevity and unparalleled political durability, and shows how lessons from the imperial past are relevant for China today. Yuri Pines demonstrates that the empire survived and adjusted to a variety of domestic and external challenges through a peculiar combination of rigid ideological premises and their flexible implementation. The empire's major political actors and neighbors shared its fundamental ideological principles, such as unity under a single monarch--hence, even the empire's strongest domestic and foreign foes adopted the system of imperial rule. Yet details of this rule were constantly negotiated and adjusted. Pines shows how deep tensions between political actors including the emperor, the literati, local elites, and rebellious commoners actually enabled the empire's basic institutional framework to remain critically vital and adaptable to ever-changing sociopolitical circumstances. As contemporary China moves toward a new period of prosperity and power in the twenty-first century, Pines argues that the legacy of the empire may become an increasingly important force in shaping the nation's future trajectory.

Agriculture is a sector that is subject to regulation and far-reaching public intervention, especially in developed countries. In Poland, a country that passed through a system transformation, inclusion in the European Union’s (EU) Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) mechanisms and the internal market has resulted in positive and multi-dimensional effects for farmers and rural development. This fact is reflected in the evolution of farmers’ attitudes toward the EU, changing from opposition and distrust to acceptance and support. The purpose of the paper is to trace shifts in the political dynamics surrounding the CAP and EU membership among farmers, and to explore their causes. The findings suggest that, following the most recent policy reform—which involved increased environmental and climate commitments alongside market uncertainty—farmers have begun to lean towards a Eurosceptic orientation once more, whilst simultaneously demonstrating ambivalent attitudes towards the CAP. In light of the fragmented representation, the recent protests highlighted a mobilization of grassroots efforts in the pursuit of farmers’ interests. Hence, a question arises regarding the stability of this critical perspective, particularly in the context of future reforms to CAP as well as the economic and climate-related challenges for sustainable agricultural development. This study is based on a literature review alongside economic and social data derived from surveys and public statistics.

In the early 21st century, Europe has experienced a profound political transformation marked by the ascendance of populism, which emerges as a reaction to the multifaceted challenges posed by globalization, migration, and demographic changes. This paper explores the intricate interplay between populism and Islam within the context of contemporary European political dynamics, arguing that the rise of populist movements is not merely a manifestation of political discontent but a complex response to perceived existential threats to national identity and cultural integrity. By examining the narratives constructed by populist parties, this study highlights how these movements utilize Islam as a focal point for their Utopian visions, often idealizing a return to a homogeneous national identity while simultaneously demonizing the \"other.\" The analysis delves into the role of digital media in amplifying these narratives, creating echo chambers that reinforce radicalized political discourse and shape public perceptions of Islam. Ultimately, this paper contends that the convergence of populism and Islamophobia reflects deeper societal anxieties and underscores the urgent need for a critical examination of the implications for social cohesion and democratic values in Europe. Through a comprehensive review of relevant literature and case studies, this research contributes to the understanding of how populist ideologies are reshaping the political landscape and influencing the future of European integration.

The context-specificity of the research field of American Political Development (APD) can make it an especially fertile ground for empirical assessment of causal explanations of politics using observational data. Despite an ongoing—though diminishing—quantitative–qualitative divide in political science scholarship, notable agreement has emerged across that divide on the imperative for “rich theories” with multiple implications in the assessment of causal arguments when experimentation is impossible. Drawing on the underlying logic of that agreement, I consider how and why APD can both benefit from and add value to the use of design-based quantitative approaches developed within the potential-outcomes framework for causal inference. Among the central considerations are the possible limits on direct assessment of historical macro-level causal hypotheses and the imperative for multi-level and context-specific theorizing to enable empirical analyses. Also considered is the value of rigorous qualitative work to justify assumptions and measurement strategies in quantitative causal inference analyses. Illustrations of the advocated multiple-implication, multiple-method approach are drawn from my previous work on the development of woman suffrage in the United States. That integrative approach suggests the benefit of continued development of broader toolkits for explanation of complex, contingent, and endogenous political processes.

The Pacific Alliance (PA), established in 2011, aims to foster economic integration among its member states—Peru, Chile, Colombia, and Mexico—by promoting trade liberalization and economic cooperation. However, recent political shifts within these countries have influenced trade policies, affecting intra-bloc commerce and relations with external markets, particularly China and the United States. This study explores how the political environment within the PA has shaped sustainable trade, considering economic policies, trade agreements, and shifts in regional priorities. Using a qualitative and descriptive approach, this research is based on a documentary review of academic literature, official reports, and international trade data. Content analysis was applied to assess the impact of political decisions on PA trade sustainability, including the examination of tariff structures, trade flows, and capital movements. The findings indicate that intra-regional trade within the PA remains limited, with an intraregional trade index below 4%. Mexico continues to prioritize exports to the U.S., while Peru and Chile strengthen ties with China. Although PA member states have maintained liberal economic policies, disparities in trade liberalization levels hinder integration. Furthermore, despite the reduction of tariffs and the implementation of digital trade facilitation measures, political instability and differences in economic strategies among member states challenge the PA’s long-term sustainability. Strengthening institutional frameworks and increasing investments in research and development are crucial for enhancing economic integration and ensuring trade resilience within the bloc.

This paper examines the nature and politics of financial inclusion among internally displaced persons (IDPs) in rural Africa, focusing on the financial services utilisation experiences of Zimbabwe’s flood-displaced Tugwi-Mukosi community members, nearly a decade after they were resettled in Chingwizi, Masvingo Province. Utilising the institutional theory of financial inclusion, along with primary data collected using focus group discussions, key informant interviews, and in-depth interviews, the paper centres its analysis on the contradictions that characterise the policy and regulatory roles of the government as well as the actions of various financial sector actors—these being some of the key mechanisms in the facilitation of financial inclusion among the IDPs. Specifically, this paper demonstrates that due to excessive politicisation and a glaringly weak institutional system, these mechanisms have mostly inhibited rather than enhanced the financial inclusion agenda targeting IDPs. Based on this study’s findings, we recommend mainstreaming the financial inclusion agenda, particularly for IDPs, while ensuring it remains disentangled from political influences at all levels.

This article critically examines the Islamic Religious Community (IRC) in North Macedonia, focusing on its significant role in influencing religious practices, socio-political dynamics, and interfaith relations within the country. Since its inception following the dissolution of Yugoslavia, the IRC has been central to redefining the public role of Islam, advocating for religious freedoms, and supporting the development of democratic values. Through a mixed-methods approach, this research traces the historical evolution of the IRC, analyzes its constitutional and legal framework, and assesses its impact on North Macedonia’s multi-ethnic and multi-religious society. While the IRC’s contributions to promoting interfaith understanding and national stability are highlighted, the study also critically engages with the institution’s shortcomings, particularly the controversies related to its leadership and the challenges posed by its political entanglements. These issues have, at times, compromised the IRC’s efforts in fostering social cohesion and interfaith harmony. The findings provide valuable insights into the complex role of religious institutions in enhancing social stability and democratic governance in diverse societies, positioning the IRC as a significant case study with implications for similar contexts globally.