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"POLITICAL REGIME"
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Insecurity communities of South Asia and the Middle East : consequences of US foreign policy
\"This book critically examines how US foreign policy has produced a regional regime of instability and insecurity in South Asia and the Middle East. It focuses on three interconnected zones of conflict - Afghanistan and Pakistan in South Asia, Iran and the Persian Gulf states, and Iraq and its neighbours. In a comprehensive historical survey, this work compares the governing behaviour of these states with that of the West, where the American Foreign Policy Establishment has, in contrast, pushed for investing in collective security. The author studies various events throughout history such as the Taliban regime; the US led war in Afghanistan; Obama administration and Pakistan; Kuwait and Iraq war; the Arab Spring, and the rise of ISIS, to present a theoretical analysis of Washington's consistent pursuit of multibalancing and regime change wars in the region. An important critical assessment of Western foreign policies, this book will be indispensable for students and researchers of US foreign policy, defence and security studies, strategic affairs, politics and international relations, political economy, nation-state building, identity studies, globalization studies, Middle East studies, and South Asian studies\"-- Provided by publisher.
Book
The Effect of Political Regime on Civil War: Unpacking Anocracy
Research published in the American Political Science Review shows that anocracies—as defined by the middle of the Polity index of political regime—are more susceptible to civil war than are either pure democracies or pure dictatorships. Yet, certain components of the Polity index include a factional category, where political competition is \"intense, hostile, and frequently violent. Extreme factionalism may be manifested in the establishment of rival governments and in civil war\" (Gurr 1989, 12). Not surprisingly, these components exhibit a strong relationship with civil war. When they are removed from the Polity index, however, the original relationship disappears. I conclude that the original finding is not driven by the relationship between political institutions and civil war but rather by a less provocative relationship between political violence and civil war.
Journal Article
Extreme Bounds of Democracy
What determines the emergence and survival of democracy? The authors apply extreme bounds analysis to test the robustness of fifty-nine factors proposed in the literature, evaluating over three million regressions with data from 165 countries from 1976 to 2002. The most robust determinants of the transition to democracy are gross domestic product (GDP) growth (a negative effect), past transitions (a positive effect), and Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development membership (a positive effect). There is some evidence that fuel exporters and Muslim countries are less likely to see democracy emerge, although the latter finding is driven entirely by oil-producing Muslim countries. Regarding the survival of democracy, the most robust determinants are GDP per capita (a positive effect) and past transitions (a negative effect). There is some evidence that having a former military leader as the chief executive has a negative effect, while having other democracies as neighbors has a reinforcing effect.
Journal Article
Making waves : democratic contention in Europe and Latin America since the revolutions of 1848
\"This study investigates the three main waves of political regime contention in Europe and Latin America. Surprisingly, protest against authoritarian rule spread across countries more quickly in the nineteenth century, yet achieved greater success in bringing democracy in the twentieth. To explain these divergent trends, the book draws on cognitive-psychological insights about the inferential heuristics that people commonly apply; these shortcuts shape learning from foreign precedents such as an autocrat's overthrow elsewhere. But these shortcuts had different force, depending on the political-organizational context. In the inchoate societies of the nineteenth century, common people were easily swayed by these heuristics: Jumping to the conclusion that they could replicate such a foreign precedent in their own countries, they precipitously challenged powerful rulers, yet often at inopportune moments -- and with low success. By the twentieth century, however, political organizations had formed. Their leaders had better capacities for information processing, were less strongly affected by cognitive shortcuts, and therefore waited for propitious opportunities before initiating contention. As organizational ties loosened the bounds of rationality, contentious waves came to spread less rapidly, but with greater success\"-- Provided by publisher.
Book
Reject, Reject, Reject...Passed! Explaining a Latecomer of Emigrant Enfranchisement
Despite the extensive spread of external voting across the world, exceptions remain as some countries have not passed such regulations (e.g., Uruguay) or have passed them but lag implementation (e.g., Nicaragua). Others still took a long time to join the trend, possibly presenting a pushback to the commonly accepted notion of norm diffusion to explain migrant enfranchisement. We examine a latecomer by asking why Chile took so long to enfranchise emigrants. Classified as a liberal democracy with a century of legal history of foreign-resident voting, it repeatedly rejected proposed bills on external voting since 1971. Chile enacted external voting only in 2014, regulated it in 2016, and applied it in 2017. Through legal historical content analysis, we identify which political actors proposed the bills, when, and why each failed. Left and right-leaning actors gave normative, legal, and procedural reasons that resulted in rejection and stagnation at various institutional stages. This latecomer’s constitutional tradition, strongly focused on territory and territorial links, potentially sheds light on dozens of other country cases of late adoption of the external franchise.
Journal Article
Access to Power Versus Exercise of Power Reconceptualizing the Quality of Democracy in Latin America
Research on comparative democratization has recently expanded its focus to issues of institutional quality: clientelism, corruption, abuse of executive decree authority, and weak checks and balances. However, problems of institutional quality are so different from those involved in regime transitions that it is unproductive to treat them as part of the same macro-process, democratization. Whereas regime transitions are changes in the form of
access
to power, problems of institutional quality involve the
exercise
of power. Abuses in the exercise of power affecting institutional quality are best characterized not as indicators of authoritarianism and deficiencies in democratization but as reflecting—in Weberian terms—patrimonialism and failures in bureaucratization. Moreover, struggles over the exercise of power involve causes, mechanisms, and actors that can be quite distinct from those at play in conflicts over access to power. The proposed analytical framework centered on the distinction between access and exercise enhances conceptual clarity and provides a stronger theoretical basis for tackling fundamental questions about politics in Latin America, including the failure of democratization to curb clientelism and foster other improvements of institutional quality, and the prospects of democratic stability under patrimonial administrations.
Journal Article
Political regime change, economic liberalization and growth accelerations
We examine whether the type of political regime, regime changes, and economic liberalization are related to economic growth accelerations. Our results show that growth accelerations are preceded by economic liberalizations. We also find that growth accelerations are less likely to happen the longer a political regime—be it a democracy or an autocracy—has been in place, while (a move toward) more democracy according to the Polity IV dataset reduces the likelihood of growth accelerations.
Journal Article
O CONCEITO DE REGIME POLÍTICO NA TEORIA DA DEMOCRACIA
O objetivo deste artigo é verificar como se apresentam na literatura as estratégias de análise da democracia enquanto regime político, tendo como questão central a forma como é pensada a correlação entre os indicadores fundamentais deste tipo de sociedade, as instituições políticas democráticas, e o contexto, seja histórico, econômico, social ou cultural, com o qual elas se articulam. Verificamos que esta literatura pode ser pensada através de modelos, os quais se constituem a partir de autores fundamentais e se expressam nas análises sobre a experiência da democracia no Brasil. Entendemos que o conceito deregime político possui grande importância teórica e metodológica, em especial na produção de agendas de pesquisa sobre as experiências concretas de democracia, inclusive e especialmente sobre o caso brasileiro, e até mesmo na sua constituição enquanto projeto de sociedade e de nação.
Journal Article