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The nomination of incumbent Pierre Nkurunziza to stand again for president in the 2015 national elections triggered a political and security crisis in Burundi. A crucial element in the controversy around his third term was the legality of his candidacy. This paper analyses how domestic and international actors responded to the legal loopholes that characterised Burundi's term-limit legislation. Three responses are distinguished. First, quite paradoxically, an argument was put forward by third-term supporters that stressed constitutional legality, a value usually invoked by third-term opponents. Second, a peace agreement was referred to as a source of legitimacy and as a legal norm. Third, a Constitutional Court ruling was invoked to address the legal loophole. Despite the apparent irrelevance of legal norms in an increasingly authoritarian environment, law significantly shaped the dynamics of the third-term debate and of the wider crisis. The Burundi case also illustrates the limitations of constitutional engineering of democratic governance. Die Nominierung des amtierenden Präsidenten Pierre Nkurunziza zum Präsidentschaftskandidaten bei den nationalen Wahlen 2015 löste in Burundi eine tiefe politische Krise aus. Ein entscheidender Punkt der Kontoverse um seine dritte Amtszeit war die Frage der Rechtmäßigkeit seiner Kandidatur. Der Autor analysiert die Reaktionen von Akteuren innerhalb und außerhalb Burundis auf die juristischen Schlupflöcher, die für das Rechtsinstitut der Amtszeitbegrenzung in Burundi kennzeichnend sind. Er unterscheidet drei Formen der Reaktion: Erstens beriefen sich Befürworter einer dritten Amtszeit – paradoxerweise – auf Verfassungskonformität, ein Wert, auf den sich sonst eher Gegner dritter Amtszeiten berufen. Zweitens bezog man sich auf ein Friedensabkommen als Rechtsquelle und Rechtsnorm. Drittens wurde das Verfassungsgericht angerufen, um die Gesetzeslücke zu schließen. Trotz der offensichtlichen Irrelevanz gesetzlicher Normen in einem zunehmend autoritär regierten Umfeld spielten rechtliche Überlegungen in der Debatte und im Verlauf der politischen Krise zunehmend eine Rolle. Der Fall Burundi illustriert zudem die Grenzen von Verfassungsgestaltung als Instrument zur Sicherung demokratischer Regierungsführung.

We document cycles in corporate investment corresponding with the timing of national elections around the world. During election years, firms reduce investment expenditures by an average of 4.8% relative to nonelection years, controlling for growth opportunities and economic conditions. The magnitude of the investment cycles varies with different country and election characteristics. We investigate several potential explanations and find evidence supporting the hypothesis that political uncertainty leads firms to reduce investment expenditures until the electoral uncertainty is resolved. These findings suggest that political uncertainty is an important channel through which the political process affects real economic outcomes.

The unrest in Burundi following President Nkurunziza's controversial re-election has put the country high on the international agenda, but research on the resurgence of turmoil is still in its infancy. A workshop held on 3 and 4 March 2016 in Freiburg, Germany, whose focus was Burundi after the 2015 elections, aimed to go beyond short-term accounts of the current unrests and extend past theorising in an attempt to address the current conflict. Special attention was paid to the interaction between external attempts to address the crisis and domestic contestation. The issues examined included the construction of Burundi as a case of successful transition to peace, the conflict's neglected legacies, and the (perceived) inadequacy of past approaches to address the current crisis, such as security sector reform, power sharing, and term limits. This also allowed us to rethink approaches developed to understand peacebuilding in Burundi since 2000. Seit die umstrittene Wiederwahl von Präsident Nkurunziza in Burundi heftige Proteste auslöste, steht das Land ganz oben auf der internationalen Agenda; die Erforschung der erneut ausgebrochenen Unruhen steckt allerdings noch in den Kinderschuhen. Die Teilnehmer eines Workshops am 3./4. März 2016 in Freiburg befassten sich mit der aktuellen Krise und bemühten sich, über kurzfristige Erklärungen und Versuche zur Theoriebildung hinauszugehen. Mit besonderem Interesse widmete man sich der Wechselbeziehung zwischen Versuchen von außen, die Krise zu lösen, und Auseinandersetzungen im Inneren des Landes. Zu den diskutierten Fragen gehörte die Konstruktion Burundis als Beispiel für einen erfolgreichen Übergang zum Frieden, das vernachlässigte Erbe des Bürgerkriegs und die offensichtliche Inadäquatheit früherer Ansätze zur Bewältigung der derzeitigen Krise, wie Reform des Sicherheitssektors, Machtteilung und Amtszeitbeschränkungen. Diese Ausweitung der Thematik ermöglichte es den Teilnehmern, Ansätze neu zu durchdenken, die seit dem Jahr 2000 zur Erfassung des Friedensprozesses in Burundi entwickelt worden sind.

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to provide a summary of how disasters, natural and human induced disasters, terrorist attacks, civil and political unrest and other crises affect tourism positively and negatively. Design/methodology/approach This paper briefly analyzes case studies to establish the underpinnings of tourism disruption in the midst of disasters and crises. Findings This paper outlines how various crises and disasters affect the tourism industry and what processes can be used to enhance or restructure the industry through communication plans, the media and stakeholder collaborative efforts. Originality/value While disasters and crises are not new, this paper offers a series of recommendations and insights to help quickly restore a normal state of tourism and hospitality functioning and build a more resilient path for tourism for generations to come.

The term “conflict” resonated throughout 2023, echoing prolonged civil wars and heightened global tensions in geopolitical disputes, escalating ongoing rifts among global communities, and exacerbating the humanitarian crisis. This article explores the complex relationship between conflicts and public health, providing a thorough analysis of their dynamics and current prevalence. It aims to illuminate the diverse challenges posed and delineate a holistic path forward to mitigate violent conflicts and ameliorate health disparities, particularly among affected low‐ and middle‐income countries, by advancing an equitable and resilient healthcare system. The expanded perspective of “conflict” reveals far‐reaching consequences that extend beyond borders, significantly straining public health capacity. The world is in dire need of reinvigorating healthcare systems and de‐escalating such violent conflicts due to the relentless exhaustion of resources and the increasing demand for medical emergencies that current responses inadequately address. The damage to vital healthcare facilities in conflict zones severely hampers the provision of necessary and timely medical care, affecting a wide range of health services, including treatment for chronic illnesses, maternal and child care, and mental health support. Additionally, the continuous displacement of people in these areas increases their susceptibility to infectious diseases, raising the possibility of new outbreaks and worsening long‐standing public health challenges. Therefore, prioritizing public health in diplomatic efforts is essential for resolving conflicts and aiding recovery, through building a strong public health strategic approach for a more stable and peaceful global community.

Background: The mental health of students plays a crucial role in their learning and performance. The COVID-19 pandemic, the political turmoil and a coup in Sudan has exacerbated stress and anxiety among university students in Sudan due to uncertainty about their academic activities. Aim: To assess post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) occurrence and coping strategies adopted by university students in Sudan. Methods: This cross-sectional survey was conducted from March to June 2022. It used the Coping Orientation to Problems Experienced (Brief-COPE) and Impact of Event Scale-Revised (IES-R) questionnaires to assess the occurrence of PTSD and coping strategies among 596 university students in Sudan. Descriptive statistics were used to determine the frequency and percentage, Student's t test was used to compare the means of 2 groups and one-way analysis of variance to compare the means of ≥ 3 groups. Results: There was a high prevalence of PTSD among the students, with a score of 31.2 (SD 16.4). The total score of PTSD was higher among female students. Around 36% of the students had a PTSD score > 37, which is considered high enough to suppress immune function. The most widely adopted coping strategies were religion and acceptance of the situation, while substance use was the least. Students who had COVID-19 infection during the pandemic differed significantly from uninfected students in the application of coping strategies. In contrast, students whose family members or friends had COVID-19 were not significantly different from students with uninfected family members or friends in the application of the coping strategies, such as self-blame, denial, substance use, and behavioural disengagement. Conclusion: We recommend the initiation and implementation of psychological counselling programmes for university students in Sudan onsite or remotely. Further research should be carried out to assess the long-term effects of the pandemic and the political conflicts so as to design and implement appropriate and efficient interventions

While risk of crime and perceptions of safety have been regularly addressed by criminologists, this has rarely extended to asking how those considering or taking vacations perceive their security. In contrast, tourism researchers regularly focus on perceptions of safety, but define this more broadly. This paper melds the two disciplines by considering which destinations UK residents perceived as unsafe and why. The research used a crowdsourcing platform to collect citizens’ perceptions of safety with regard to crime, terrorism/political disorder and health problems at the height of the COVID-19 pandemic. The findings suggest that health problems were seen as the greatest risk. Mexico, Egypt and the USA were seen as the most risky country to visit overall, but in many respects UK respondents’ perceptions of safe destinations differed subtly from their US counterparts questioned in a parallel survey. Variations in perceptions of safety between subgroups of respondents were greatest for crime, again contrasting with the US findings. Nevertheless, the findings suggest that fear of crime is associated with features of everyday life that are less relevant to tourism destinations than for citizens’ routine lifestyles.

The global community's inaction and inattention to the humanitarian crisis resulting from political unrest in Sudan has exacerbated the victims' humanitarian challenges. Even the few humanitarian provided still fall below standard. This article, thus, examines the feasibility of using virtual reality and augmented reality to rehabilitate and re-empower victims of political unrest in Sudan. Newspaper publications, journal articles, textbooks, technological blogs, social media commentaries, and websites were the primary sources of data for the study. The article concludes by recommending the urgent use of virtual reality and augmented reality in rehabilitating and re-empowering victims of the Sudan crisis. This is to eliminate glaring redundancies and challenges in managing the situation, which could jeopardize the humanitarian needs of the victims. Given the precarious nature of the crisis, the timely adoption of this technology will significantly reduce the humanitarian needs of the victims and their after-war effects. The most successful way of achieving this is for the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and other stakeholders to integrate virtual reality and augmented reality technological imagery and animation into the handling of the victims.

Since the execution of Osama bin Laden and a few other al-Qaeda kingpins, the incidence of international terrorism seems to be on the decline and the 'war on terror' has been applauded as a huge success, with some even arguing that terrorism will fizzle out sooner rather than later. But recent experiences in Nigeria and some other African states reveal that, while global terrorism may be on the decline, the proliferation and radicalisation of local terrorist groups with possible links to al-Qaeda seem to be on the rise. The quest for effective counter-terrorism therefore continues. This article interrogates how Nigeria should respond to the Boko Haram terrorist uprising. Methodologically it relies on both primary and secondary sources of data. It provides an overview of the evolution and dynamics of the uprising in Nigeria, and explores the motivations, strategic operations and responses of Boko Haram. The article shows that the uprising, which engenders general insecurity, is a consequence of governance failure and institutional fragility. Thus, it concludes that, to effectively address the uprising, Nigeria should adopt a human security approach rather than the current emphasis on a repressive state security approach.

PurposeWhereas the extant literature on women's entrepreneurship is almost exclusively focused on developed nations, the effect of many context-specific issues of other countries on ventures of women has been overlooked. The study aims to reveal how political unrest, a common feature of the developing nation, can significantly affect the experiences of women in small businesses of that region.Design/methodology/approachThis feminist research is conducted on Bangladesh, which is one of the most politically unstable countries in the world. The study conducts interviews with women to explore the adverse effect of political unrest on their small firms.FindingsThe feminist research reveals some problems of women business-owners concerning political unrest in this highly patriarchal context. It also discloses how political chaos challenges the government initiative in financially supporting women business-owners.Practical implicationsPolicymakers of developing nations can be benefitted by taking into account the problems of women business-owners concerning political unrest, specifically the access to debt financing issues while designing policies for women's empowerment.Originality/valueThe article contributes to the women's entrepreneurship scholarship with reference to political unrest, a contextual issue of developing nations. Whereas the existing studies mostly concentrate on holding women individually liable for the limited scale of their business operation, this research potentially challenges the view by drawing upon political unrest as an external factor that negatively affects their ventures. The study further advances the prevailing knowledge by critically unveiling some gender-specific problems of women business-owners regarding political unrest.