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This wide-ranging edited volume provides a state of the art account of theory and research on modern street-level bureaucracy, gathering internationally acclaimed scholars to address the varying roles of public officials who fulfill their tasks while interacting with the public. These roles include the delivery of benefits and services, the regulation of social and economic behavior, and the expression and maintenance of public values. Questions about the extent of discretionary autonomy and the feasibility of hierarchical control are discussed in depth, with suggestions made for the further development of research in this field. Hence the book fills an important gap in the literature on public policy delivery, making it a valuable text for students and researchers of public policy, public administration and public management.

In times of increasing urbanization worldwide, smart city management is becoming increasingly important. In this regard, successful implementation requires not only the creation of technological foundations but also, in particular, the inclusion and engagement of the citizens of the respective \"smart city\" (SC). Despite their recognized importance, knowledge concerning their needs and preferences is currently still rather limited. By surveying 906 citizens of a SC, this study provides comprehensive insights into the preference and relevance structure of digital SC services from a citizen perspective. To compare and contrast, the findings are finally cross-referenced with survey results from public officials.

PurposeThis study aims to investigate whether United Kingdom (UK)-based companies have changed their voluntary disclosures on curbing the bribery of foreign officials in response to the UK Bribery Act 2010, and if so whether and how such disclosure changes substantively reflected allegations of bribery of foreign officials by news media.Design/methodology/approachBy using the notions of institutional pressure and decoupling and applying content and thematic analysis, the authors examined, in particular, disclosures on curbing bribery by the largest 100 companies listed on the London Stock Exchange in periods before and after the Bribery Act (2007–2012). News media reports covering incidents of bribery of foreign officials and related corporate disclosures before and after the Act were thoroughly examined to problematise corporate anti-bribery disclosure practices.FindingsThe study finds a significant change in disclosure on curbing bribery before and after the enactment of the UK Bribery Act, consistent with the notion of institutional coercive pressure. However, decoupling is also found: organisations' disclosures did not substantively reflect incidents of bribing foreign public officials, mostly from underprivileged developing nations.Research limitations/implicationsThis study acknowledges a limitation stemming from using media reports that focus on bribery incidents in identifying actual cases or incidents of bribery. As some of the incidents identified from news media reports appeared to be allegations, not convictions for bribery, companies could have defensible reasons for not disclosing some aspects of them.Practical implicationsRegulators should think why new or more regulations without substantive requirement are not helpful to curb corporate decoupling and injustice. The regulators should address the crisis that multinational companies (MNCs) being suppliers of bribery are much more harmful for the underprivileged communities in developing nations. Accordingly, this paper provides practical insights into how stakeholders ought to critically interpret MNCs' accounts of their involvement in bribery.Originality/valueThis study contributes to the accounting literature by problematising MNCs' operations in underprivileged countries. The findings suggest that not only public officials in developing countries as creators of bribery but also Western-based MNCs as the suppliers of bribery contribute to perpetuating unethical practices and injustices to the underprivileged communities in developing countries. This research is imperative as this is one of the first known studies that provides evidence of the actions including disclosure-related actions companies have taken in response to the UK Bribery Act.

Public-service executives, both elected and appointed within the public and nonprofit sectors, are retiring at record levels, and the number of Americans reaching age sixty-five annually will continue to rise over the next decade and is expected to surpass four million in 2020. Finding qualified, motivated leaders to fill vital public-service positions will challenge the public and nonprofit sectors. Unfortunately, recent studies show that few proactive steps are being taken by public-service organizations to plan for the next generation. Passing the Torch: Planning for the Next Generation of Public-Service Leaders provides an outline for those who will be facing and managing these looming changes. In this valuable guide, the factors that influence selection of a career in public service are explored through the authors' years of experience as leaders in public-service organizations and through interviews with other public-service professionals. Passing the Torch will be essential for leaders of nonprofit organizations, university faculty, researchers in the field of nonprofit management, and students in nonprofit management courses.

Prior research highlights broad democratic benefits of sustained public trust in the government, and the confidence that the government performs responsively addressing citizens’ problems (i.e., unemployment, cost of living). As social media enhances citizens’ opportunities to interact with journalists and elected officials, little is known about these communication effects on people’s government trust, and citizens’ evaluations about how well the government is addressing important society problems. Relying on a two-wave US representative panel survey data, this study builds on prior literature to introduce Twitter Communication with Democracy Actors: journalists and politicians, as a single, yet two-dimensional construct. Then, advancing different ordinary least squares (OLS) predictive panel models, results indicate that people who interact with democratic actors on Twitter trust the government and assess its overall functioning more positively. Additional moderating tests indicate social media interactions with democracy actors help citizens who might need it the most, specifically those who have lower levels of external political efficacy. The study provides theoretical implications of findings and suggestions for future research.

Purpose When there is freedom of press, newspapers provide prying eyes that investigate and report the malfeasance by public officials. More prying eyes together with more newspaper readership make monitoring of public officials by the public easier and cheaper. This paper aims to investigate the role of newspapers in helping the public observe the conduct of local officials fearful of discovery of malfeasance by the newspaper readers in the USA during 1978 – 2008 when the internet was still a fledgling source of news. Design/methodology/approach A model that recognize that corruption is an agency problem that thrives in the absence of monitoring of public officials is used. The estimation technique used address problems issuing from the subjective nature of measures of press freedom and perception of corruption, and the persistence of corruption over time. Findings More newspapers and newspaper readers help to alleviate the agency problem that underlies public corruption in the USA and elsewhere. More newspapers (i.e. more journalists) act to deter corruption at the margin, and, ceteris paribus, higher readership works on exposing corrupt acts and helps to convict the errant officials in larger numbers. Research limitations/implications The paper provides a timely context to consider the implication of sharp fall in local newspapers as well as newspaper readership all across the USA. Originality/value This paper extends the literature by considering press freedom, the number of newspapers and size of newspaper readership as joint determinants of public corruption.