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"Palatalization"
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Articulatory Characteristics of Secondary Palatalization in Romanian Fricatives
The production of fricatives involves the complex interaction of articulatory constraints resulting from the formation of the appropriate oral constriction, the control of airflow through the constriction so as to achieve frication and, in the case of voiced fricatives, the maintenance of glottal oscillation by attending to transglottal pressure. To better understand this mechanism in a relatively understudied language, we explore the articulatory characteristics of five pairs of plain and palatalized Romanian fricatives produced by 10 native speakers using ultrasound imaging. Our analysis includes an assessment of the robustness of the plain-palatalized contrast at different places of articulation, a comparison of secondary palatalization with other relevant word-final [Ci] structures, and the identification of individual variation patterns. Since our study is the first to document the articulatory properties of secondary palatalization in Romanian, our findings are of descriptive interest.
Journal Article
Velar Palatalization in Southwest Saudi Arabia: An Optimality-Theoretic Perspective
By using an optimality-theoretic perspective, this paper examines an opaque phonological process in Southwest Saudi Arabic (SSA). The objective of this study is twofold: first, to explain how the second-person singular possessive suffix /k/ is palatalized to the voiceless palato-alveolar fricative [ʃ] in Southwest Saudi Arabic (SSA); and second, to show how such a velar palatalization process is phonologically conditioned. The alternation is triggered by the presence of a high front vowel /i/ (in the suffix /-ki/), which is subsequently deleted, yielding a surface form with [ʃ] but no overt trigger. This counterbleeding interaction defies a single-level analysis and necessitates a multi-level derivational account. Within the framework of Optimality Theory (OT), a multi-stratal approach is adopted to model the interaction of markedness and faithfulness constraints that drive both the velar palatalization and the vowel deletion. The study reveals three main findings: first, the analysis successfully captures the opacity of the process by invoking constraint re-ranking across derivational strata, accounting for the palatalized [ʃ] even after its conditioning environment has been removed. Second, it is analytically accentuated that there is a crucial need for multi-stratal evaluations in OT to handle opaque phonological phenomena. Third, the analysis highlights OT’s explanatory power, showing that an enriched constraint-based approach can accommodate complex interactions like SSA velar palatalization and enrich our understanding of phonological opacity in theory.
Journal Article
Action nouns in -i̯a- and a new verbal stem jsīn- “to kill” in Khotanese
This article addresses derivational issues related to palatalization in Khotanese, focusing on action nouns of the kīra- type (< *-i̯a-). It is argued that diachronic palatalization conforms to the rules of synchronic palatalization and that the origin of the hapax legomenon jsīna- “killing” (Z 13.124), which apparently violates these rules, needs to be interpreted differently. It is traced back to a reduplicated Indo-Iranian verbal stem *ǰa-ghn- (cf. Young Avestan jaɣn-) < Proto-Indo-European *gwhé-gwhn- “to strike repeatedly” → “to kill”. This stem is also reflected in the Khotanese gerundive jsīñaa- “to be killed” < *dzai̯n-i̯a- ← *dzaɣn- < Iranian *ǰa-gn-. The article contributes additional evidence supporting the development of the preconsonantal voiced velar fricative *ɣ into *i̯ in pre-Khotanese.
Journal Article
Surface Velar Palatalization in Polish
This article investigates a palatalization process called Surface Velar Palatalization that turns /k g/ into [kj gj] before the front vowel e. What would appear to be a trivial rule, k g ➝ kj gj /—ε, turns out to be a highly complex process. The complexity is caused by several independent factors. First, Surface Velar Palatalization, k g ➝ kj gj, competes with Phonemic Velar Palatalization, k g ➝ ʧ ʤ. Second, some but not all changes are restricted to derived environments. Third, some suffixes appear to be exceptions to one type of Palatalization but not to the other type. Fourth, /x/ behaves in an ambivalent way by undergoing one but not the other type of Palatalization. Fifth, Palatalization constraints interacting with segment inventory constraints yield different results in virtually the same contexts. I argue that the complexity of Surface Velar Palatalization motivates derivational levels in Optimality Theory. Further, the condition of derived environments is expressed as a constraint that is ranked differently at different levels of evaluation. A historical analysis of Surface Velar Palatalization tells the story of how the process came into being and operated for centuries in an unrestricted way. It subsequently became restricted to derived environments, which led to pronunciation reversals of the historical Duke of York type: gε ➝ gjε ➝ gε.
Journal Article
Palatalization of feminine marker in Northern Najdi/Ḥā’ili Arabic
This study deals with a morphologically conditioned pattern of palatalization in feminine-marking morphemes in Ha’ili dialect of Arabic, as it is spoken by members of the Shammar tribe. It describes the differential permissibility of palatalization (/t, h/> y) in pausal environment for different morphemes, and demonstrates the failure of (segmental) phonological approaches to predict variation in morphological categories for which the possibility of palatalization appears to vary on a morphological basis. Additionally, the synchronic correspondence of this morphophonemic change extends to the verbal 3rd feminine singular (FSg) perfective forms. I propose that this is due to a naturally motivated phonetic process that diffused analogically to certain morphological categories, in addition to priming effect and internal pressure motivated by resistance-to-being-opaque agreement from preverbal subjects and noun-adjective agreement. I conclude that the variation of allomorphy in these feminine suffixes carries valuable insights with broader implications of the role of MORPHO-phonology in understanding the historical development of this dialect.
Journal Article
Spectral and temporal properties of Estonian palatalization
The aim of this paper is to describe and compare the spectral and temporal properties of Estonian palatalized and non-palatalized consonants /l n s t/ and the vowels that precede them. Acoustic recordings of 43 native Estonian subjects producing word pairs where palatalization differentiated meaning were analyzed in this study. We offer a new perspective on how palatalization is realized by employing a dynamic analysis of the formant trajectories in order to objectively quantify how far the scope of palatalization reaches in the preceding vowel. Results showed that, as in other languages, the most persisting correlate of Estonian palatalization is the rise in F2 in the preceding vowel, where the values are almost always higher already from the beginning. F2 values are higher for /l/ and lower for /n/. The COG (center of gravity) of /s/ is lower in the beginning but rises in the middle. The COG of the burst of /t/ is lower in the onset. As expected, the duration of the vowels preceding consonants is longer, presumably because of the palatalization gesture, but the duration of the consonants does not show a systematic pattern with palatalization.
Journal Article
INTEGRATING SOUND SYMBOLISM WITH CORE GRAMMAR: THE CASE OF EXPRESSIVE PALATALIZATION
Fifty cases of sound-symbolic expressive palatalization were collected in a typological survey of babytalk registers, diminutive constructions, and other sound-symbolic systems. Analysis of the typological trends and language-particular examples reveals important differences between expressive palatalization and phonologically motivated palatalization. To account for expressive palatalization, we propose a novel set of Express(X) constraints in OPTIMALITY THEORY. The integration of the Express(X) constraints with the rest of phonology is shown to explain the typological differences between expressive and phonological palatalization, account for the phonological extension of expressive palatalization, and constitute a general theoretical framework for sound-symbolic phonological patterns.*
Journal Article
Bilingual (Irish-English) phonemic awareness: language-specific and universal contributions
This paper examines the construct of bilingual phonemic awareness in Irish-English bilinguals. Though traditionally viewed as a skill or ability which transfers across languages, recent accounts have considered whether phonemic awareness has a language-specific component. This study used a cross-sectional design to examine this question. A total of 345 students in Irish immersion schools and in schools in Gaeltacht (Irish-speaking) areas took part in the study and were administered Phoneme Deletion and Phoneme Matching in both Irish and English. Results demonstrate (i) a low correlation between Phoneme Matching and Phoneme Deletion scores within each language (ii) a significant difference between Phoneme Matching scores in Irish and English, but no significant difference in Phoneme Deletion scores in each language (iii) that orthographic representations influence performance on Phoneme Matching tasks in both Irish and English, and (iv) that participants demonstrate a low level of accuracy on velarised-palatalised phonemic contrasts, which are specific to Irish. Overall, this paper concludes that bilingual phonemic awareness is a multidimensional – rather than a unitary – construct. It has both a metalinguistic and epilinguistic component, and is likely influenced by linguistic, sociolinguistic and educational factors. The practical implications for dual-language education are discussed.
Journal Article