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In the decade following the 1993 Oslo Peace Accords, some 100,000 diasporic Palestinians returned to the West Bank and Gaza. Among them were children and young adults who were born in exile and whose sense of Palestinian identity was shaped not by lived experience but rather through the transmission and re-creation of memories, images, and history. As a result, “returning” to the homeland that had never actually been their home presented challenges and disappointments for these young Palestinians, who found their lifeways and values sometimes at odds with those of their new neighbors in the West Bank and Gaza. This original ethnography records the experiences of Palestinians born in exile who have emigrated to the Palestinian homeland. Juliane Hammer interviews young adults between the ages of 16 and 35 to learn how their Palestinian identity has been affected by living in various Arab countries or the United States and then moving to the West Bank and Gaza. Their responses underscore how much the experience of living outside of Palestine has become integral to the Palestinian national character, even as Palestinians maintain an overwhelming sense of belonging to one another as a people.

The article argues that the politics of the Arab minority in Israel has entered a new phase since the mid-2010s: centripetalism. Whereas the preceding two decades or so (the third phase) were characterized by claims in the name of Palestinian nationalism and organizational fragmentation, the centripetal phase is characterized by (1) a decline in the political salience of minority nationalism and a shift in focus to social and civic issues; (2) an aspiration to move from the fringes of politics; and (3) greater organizational convergence, eclipsing intra-communal ideological divisions in the service of shared objectives. The advent of this phase is attributed to unintended consequences of changes in the electoral rules (specifically the 2015 rise in the election threshold) combined with pressure from the electorate, empowered by the raised electoral threshold.

Scholars have debated intensely whether Israel's Arab citizens are increasingly becoming hostile to the State, working within the system, or aspire to some form of cultural and political autonomy short of insurrection and potential secession. Whatever position they take in the debate, most would agree over the past two decades in Israeli politics.

Israel held four elections to the Knesset in the space of two years: April 2019 (21st Knesset), September 2019 (22nd Knesset), March 2020 (23rd Knesset), and March 2021 (24th Knesset). The article presents a thorough review and evaluation of the recent Knesset elections and a discussion of the causes and implications of the results. My aim is to reformulate the internal and external political equations concerning the Palestinian-Arab relationship with the State of Israel on the one hand, and with the Palestinian people and their Arab and Islamic environments on the other. Although the last four election campaigns in Israel were characterized by large fluctuations in Palestinian Arab turnout, at the end of the process the United Arab List, Ra’am, chose to become part of the coalition for the first time since the establishment of the State of Israel. This decision to participate in the decision-making apparatus of a country that is characterized and defined as an ethnic-national state has aroused interest among both Palestinian Arabs and Jews. The article examines the sources of the legitimacy of the process between the Palestinian-Arabs, the Jews and the state. It also seeks to identify the unique factors that led Ra’am, mainly with the support of Muslim voters, Bedouin from the north and south of the state with a religious-traditional orientation, to make this controversial decision, while attempting to evaluate the extent to which it derives from an informed reading of Palestinian Arab public opinion, its socio-religious structure and the civil discourse that competes with the hegemony of national discourse in Palestinian-Arab society.

Over the last decade, a new trend has emerged among Arab citizens of Israel–an attempt to utilize the civil foundations of Israeli citizenship and the civic opportunities offered by the political regime to advance the local affairs of Arab citizens and improve their living conditions. What can be called \"the local civic discourse\" finds expression in various contexts, such as support for joining governmental coalitions, enlisting in the national or civil service, or integrating into other civic institutions. The development of this discourse is an instance of bargaining for what many Arab citizens perceive as \"conditional citizenship\" or a kind of rational acceptance of the civil dimensions of Israeli citizenship. However, attempting to use the opportunities offered by the governing structure does not signify inherent acceptance of the state's ideological base, identification with its values, or voluntary acceptance of its Jewish character. This is selective, particular, and civil integration minus any identification with or recognition of the legitimacy of the current sovereign state. Against the claim of Israelization or Zionization, this paper argues for instrumental-limited integration based on the formal and civil standards of Israeli citizenship.

This article provides an ethnographic account of automated surveillance technologies' impact in the occupied West Bank, taking Blue Wolf—a biometric identification system deployed by the Israeli army—as a case study. Interviews with Palestinian residents of Hebron subjected to intensive surveillance, a senior Israeli general turned biometric start-up founder, and testimonies from veterans tasked with building up Blue Wolf's database provide a rare view into the uneven texture of life under algorithmic surveillance. Their narratives reveal how automated surveillance systems function as a form of state-sponsored terror. As a globalized information economy intersects with the eliminatory aims of Israeli settler colonialism in Hebron, new surveillance technologies erode Palestinian social life while allowing technocratic settlers to recast the violence of occupation as an opportunity for capital investment and growth. Attending to the texture of life under algorithmic surveillance in Hebron ultimately reorients theories of accumulation and dispossession in the digital age away from purely economistic framings. Instead, I foreground the violent political imperatives that drive innovations in surveillance, in Palestine and worldwide.

Native Arabic speakers read in a language variety that is different from the one they use for everyday speech. The aim of the present study was: (1) to examine Spoken Arabic (SpA) and Standard Arabic (StA) voweled and unvoweled word reading among native-speaking sixth graders with developmental dyslexia; and (2) to determine whether SpA reading ability among children with dyslexia predicts StA reading fluency in the two orthographies: voweled and unvoweled. A comparison was made to three age groups of typically developing children: a group matched by chronological age, a group of children who are two years younger, and a group of children who are 4 years younger. Findings show that diglossia has a strong impact on reading ability in dyslexic children. Moreover, vowelization plays a pivotal role in the reading ability of Arabic-speaking children with dyslexia in both SpA and StA. This role is evident in the different performance patterns of dyslexic participants as compared with controls on word-reading accuracy and fluency for SpA versus StA. Finally, StA word-reading fluency appears to depend on and to be reliably and powerfully predicted by SpA word-level reading ability. These results underscore the role of diglossia and vowelization in the manifestation of dyslexia in Arabic-speaking children.

The study addressed the question of continuity in literacy achievements from kindergarten to first grade among Arabic-speaking children in Israel. We examined (1) how age and family socio-economic status (SES) predict children’s literacy skills in kindergarten and (2) how age, SES, and early literacy skills in kindergarten predict literacy achievements in first grade. This examination is interesting due to the diglossic nature of the Arabic language and the low SES level of Israeli Arab families on one hand, and the transparent pointed Arabic script on the other hand. Literacy skills of 109 children were assessed in kindergarten and 1 year later in first grade. Path analysis showed that children’s age and family SES had a direct significant effect on children’s early literacy skills. Furthermore, children’s early literacy skills had significant direct effects on literacy achievements in first grade. SES had a direct effect on phonological awareness and word reading in first grade, but only an indirect effect on text reading. Children’s age in kindergarten had an indirect effect through early literacy skills on literacy achievements in first grade. Beyond the prediction of early literacy skills to achievements in first grade, the results highlight the unique role of child’s age and family SES, which continue to affect child’s literacy achievements in first grade in spite of formal teaching and the highly transparent pointed Arabic script. The results are discussed and educational recommendations are suggested.

While there is an association between Western diets and the incidence of colorectal cancer (CRC), this dietary association has remained unexplored in Palestine. The aim of this study was to examine how fiber and fruit and vegetable (FV) intakes are associated with CRC risk among Palestinian adults. We recruited 528 Palestinians between 2014 and 2016. We identified 118 patients who received CRC treatment at Augusta Victoria Hospital, East Jerusalem. We additionally identified 410 controls who consisted of community-based Palestinians without cancer. All participants completed a survey on demographics and a validated dietary intake food screener. Multivariable logistic regression models tested associations between fiber and FV intakes (categorized into quartiles) with CRC risk. After adjusting for significant covariates (age, sex, education, physical activity, smoking status, BMI, IBD, and family history of CRC), as fibers increased across increasing quartiles, the CRC risk significantly decreased (OR = 0.36, 95% CI: 0.15–0.86, p-trend = 0.02). After adjusting for age and sex, as FV intake increased, the CRC risk significantly decreased (OR = 0.34, 95% CI: 0.15–0.75, p-trend = 0.009). Consumption of fiber-rich foods was inversely associated with CRC risk. Understanding this relationship among Palestinians is essential in order to develop targeted, culturally relevant strategies that may potentially alleviate the burden of CRC.

The BBC no longer bothers to hide the fact that its news service acts as nothing more than the British state's willing propaganda channel. Here, Cook discusses the interview with Hamas' deputy political chief, Khalil al-Hayya. In the interview, the Hamas leader \"claims the Palestinian people have faced violence at the hands of Israel for several decades.\" Israel's refusal to recognize a Palestinian state and allow Palestinians self-determination; Israel's building of hundreds of illegal settlements on Palestinian land and the transfer of Israeli Jews, often militia groups, into those settlements; Israel's 17-year siege of Gaza; and Israel's collective punishment of the Palestinian people to force them to submit to these indignities, are all forms of structural violence. Again, that is not a claim. It is how international law judges what Israel has done and is doing. He also mentions the main points al-Hayya raised in the interview. (Reprint 2024)