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This article elucidates the Palestinian Authority's (PA) criminal prohibition on the sale of land to Israelis and Jews and its application during the presidency of Mahmoud Abbas (Abu Mazen). The study of PA legislation, case law, public statements by prosecution authorities, and media coverage in PA-controlled areas reveals diverse normative foundations behind the sentences of five years to life imposed by the PA Attorney General on numerous defendants. While suspects of attempting or completing the sale of land to Jews risk grave bodily harm and mortal danger, the death penalty is not specified in PA legislation and has rarely been imposed (but never enforced). Such sales, even when they take place in Jerusalem or involve non-Jewish buyers, are deemed treasonous since they serve the Israeli settlement enterprise and weaken PA policy positions. Criminal proceedings in these cases impinge on the property rights and personal freedoms of vendors and constitute discrimination based on nationality and religion. The PA land-sale prohibition resembles restrictions from the British Mandate era, and both reflect the historical contest over the political status of the Land of Israel.

The Palestinian Authority in the West Bank explores the manner in which the Palestinian Authority’s performative acts affect and shape the lives and subjective identities of those in its vicinity in the occupied West Bank. The nature of Palestinians’ statelessness has to contend with the rituals of statecraft that the Palestinian Authority (PA) and its Palestinian functionaries engage in. These rituals are also economically maintained by an international donor community and are vehemently challenged by Palestinian activists, antagonistic to the prevalence of the statist agenda in Palestine. Conceptually, the understanding of the PA’s ‘theater of statecraft’ is inspired by Judith Butler’s conception of performativity as one that encompasses several repetitive and ritual performative acts. The authors explore what they refer to as the ‘fuzzy state’ (personified in the form and conduct of the PA) looks like for those living it, from the vantage point of PA institutions, NGOs, international representative offices, and activists. Methodologically, the book adopts an ethnographic approach, by way of interviews and observations in the occupied West Bank and East Jerusalem. The Palestinian Authority in the West Bank makes an important and long-due intervention by integrating performance studies and politics to suggest an understanding of the theatrics of woeful statecraft in Palestine. The book is an essential resource for students and scholars interested in the study of the state, International Relations and Politics, Palestine Studies, and the Middle East.

Persistent reports describe the pervasiveness and intensity of Palestinian incitement against Israel. The Palestinian Authority is an oligarchy whose purpose is war against Israel. Its leaders consider deception and the \"armed struggle\" as the legitimate means by which they can achieve their goals and have adapted their educational system to fill the younger generation with hatred and the desire to perpetrate terrorist acts. Because of the reality behind it, incitement is the real \"deal-breaker.\" One side wants peace, while the other does not.

The article explores how the Holocaust is represented in history textbooks for Palestinian pupils in the Palestinian and Arab-Israeli curricula from a pedagogical perspective. Since no mention of the Holocaust was found in Palestinian Authority textbooks, the study seeks to explain why this is so, while examining representations of the Holocaust in the Arab (Palestinian) Israeli textbooks. It pursues four principal objectives: (1) to investigate the extent to which Israeli and Palestinian history textbooks discuss the Holocaust, (2) to examine how it is portrayed, (3) to contextualize these portrayals in relation to collective memories of other events (e.g., the Nakba), and (4) to consult with Israeli and Palestinian curriculum policy makers regarding the inclusion or omission of the Holocaust from the curriculum. El artículo explora el modo en que se representa el Holocausto en los libros de historia para alumnos palestinos en el plan de estudios palestino y árabe-israelí desde una perspectiva pedagógica. Como no se encontró ninguna mención al Holocausto en los libros de texto de la Autoridad Palestina, el estudio busca explicar el motivo y a la vez examinar las representaciones del Holocausto en los libros de texto árabe (palestinos)-israelíes. Se persiguen cuatro objetivos principales: (1) investigar hasta qué punto los libros de historia israelíes y palestinos hablan sobre el Holocausto, (2) examinar cómo se representa, (3) poner dichas representaciones en contexto en relación con la memoria colectiva de otros eventos (p. ej. la Nakba) y (4) consultar a los legisladores israelíes y palestinos acerca de la inclusión u omisión del Holocausto en el plan de estudios. L’article explore la manière dont l’Holocauste est représenté dans les livres d’histoire destinés aux écoliers palestiniens suivant les programmes palestiniens d’une part et arabo-israéliens d’autre part, du point de vue pédagogique. Étant donné qu’aucune mention de l’Holocauste n’a été trouvée dans les manuels scolaires de l’Autorité palestinienne, l’étude vise à expliquer ce phénomène, tout en examinant les représentations de l’Holocauste dans les manuels scolaires arabo- (palestiniens) israéliens. Elle s’attache à réaliser quatre grands objectifs : (1) enquêter sur la mesure dans laquelle les livres d’histoire israéliens et palestiniens évoquent l’Holocauste, (2) examiner la manière dont il est présenté, (3) mettre ces présentations dans le contexte des mémoires collectives d’autres événements (par ex. la Nakba) et (4) consulter les concepteurs des programmes israéliens et palestiniens au sujet de l’inclusion ou de l’omission de l’Holocauste dans les programmes. 巴勒斯坦教科书中的大屠杀：以色列和巴勒斯坦的异同 该文从教育学的角度探讨了在巴勒斯坦和阿拉伯-以色列课程中针对巴勒斯坦学生的历史教科书对大屠杀是如何描述的。由于在巴勒斯坦权威教科书中未发现对大屠杀的任何提及，该研究试图解释为何如此，同时检视在阿拉伯（巴勒斯坦）以色列教科书中对大屠杀的描述。该研究追求四个主要目标：（1）调查以色列和巴勒斯坦历史教科书对大屠杀的探讨程度，（2）检视对大屠杀是如何描述的，（3）将这些描述置于与其它事件（例如巴勒斯坦大灾难）集体记忆有关的背景中考虑，和（4）就教科书中对大屠杀的包含或删除，咨询以色列和巴勒斯坦课程政策制定者。 تستكشف المقالة كيفية تمثيل الهولوكوست في كتب التاريخ المدرسية للطلبة الفلسطينيين في المناهج الفلسطينية، والعربية/الإسرائيلية من منظور تربوي. ولأنه لم يتم العثور على أي ذكر للهولوكوست في الكتب التي تصدرها السلطة الفلسطينية، فإن هذه الدراسة تسعى لتوضيح سبب ذلك، وفي نفس الوقت يتم مراجعة كيفية عرض الهولوكوست في الكتب المدرسية الإسرائيلية/العربية )الفلسطينية(. وتستهدف أربعة أهداف رئيسية هي: ) 1 ( بحث إلى أي مدى تمت مناقشة الهولوكوست في كتب التاريخ المدرسية الإسرائيلية والفلسطينية ) 2 ( دراسة كيفية تصويرها ) 3( صياغة هذه الأوصاف فيما يتعلق بالذاكرة الجماعية للأحداث الأخرى )النكبة على سبيل المثال( و ) 4( التشاور مع واضعي سياسات المناهج الدراسية الإسرائيلية والفلسطينية بخصوص إدراج أو إغفال الهولوكوست من المناهج الدراسي Данная статья исследует, как Холокост представлен в учебниках по истории для палестинских учеников в палестинском и арабо-израильском учебных планах с педагогической точки зрения. Поскольку упоминаний Холокоста в государственных палестинских учебниках обнаружено не было, данное исследование пытается объяснить причину этого факта, изучая упоминания Холокоста в арабо(палестино)-израильских учебниках. Мы преследуем четыре основные цели: (1) исследовать меру того, насколько в израильских и палестинских учебниках истории обсуждается Холокост, (2) изучить то, как он преподносится, (3) определить контекст этого изложения в связи с коллективной памятью других событий (напр., Накба), и (4) провести консультации с создателями образовательной политики в Израиле и Палестине в связи с добавлением Холокоста в учебный план или его исключением.

The Council held Israel responsible for the failure to revive the negotiations process, which was deadlocked as a result of Israel's policy of ongoing settlement activities, which increased by 40% in 2014; its refusal to demarcate the borders of the two states on the June 1967 borders; its refusal to release the last of the Palestinian prisoners detained before the Oslo Accords, as previously agreed; its escalation of attacks, assassinations, raids, land confiscation, Separation Wall construction, collective punishment policies and house demolitions; its denial of the signed agreements; its continued blockade of the Gaza Strip by land, sea and air; its periodic seizure of the Palestinian people's funds; its withholding of other financial dues; and its attempt to transform the conflict into a religious conflict by trying to change the status quo in al-Haram al Sharif; and its demand for the recognition of Israel as a Jewish state; in addition to other policies that embody the establishment of an apartheid state on the ground. [...]the PLO Central Council decided that it would continue its efforts to seek a UN Security Council resolution to end the Israeli occupation within a set timeframe and to obtain recognition of the State of Palestine on the June 4, 1967 Green Line borders.

[...]the window of opportunity which is open in the Middle East will be highlighted for all to see. In these elections, domestic issues have been overshadowed by issues like the crisis with the United States of America in light of Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu's visit to Congress, a possible deal with Iran, multiple revelations of corruption in public life and, to a lesser degree, a freeze in the peace process negotiations.

[...]although often playing an important role for international mobilization by Palestinian groups, the internet is seldom used as the primary tool in mobilization and campaign strategies targeting internal Palestinian politics. [...]as we have evidenced, the internet faces territorial limitations, which are compounded by military measures and illegal competition by Israeli providers.

This timely and critically important work does what hostilities in the Middle East have made nearly impossible: it offers a measured, internal perspective on Palestinian politics, viewing emerging political patterns from the Palestinian point of view rather than through the prism of the Arab-Israeli conflict. Based on groundbreaking fieldwork, interviews with Palestinian leaders, and an extensive survey of Arabic-language writings and documents,Palestinian Politics after the Oslo Accordspresents the meaning of state building and self-reliance as Palestinians themselves have understood them in the years between 1993 and 2002. Nathan J. Brown focuses his work on five areas: legal development, constitution drafting, the Palestinian Legislative Council, civil society, and the effort to write a new curriculum. His book shows how Palestinians have understood efforts at building institutions as acts of resumption rather than creation-with activists and leaders seeing themselves as recovering from an interrupted past, Palestinians seeking to rejoin the Arab world by building their new institutions on Arab models, and many Palestinian reformers taking the Oslo Accords as an occasion to resume normal political life. Providing a clear and urgently needed vantage point on most of the issues of Palestinian reform and governance that have emerged in recent policy debates-issues such as corruption, constitutionalism, democracy, and rule of law-Brown's book helps to put Palestinian aspirations and accomplishments in their proper context within a long and complex history and within the larger Arab world.