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This essay reflects on the Palestinian habba of 2021, contextualizing it within the broader trajectory of Palestine's century-old anti-colonial continuum. Noting the substantial scale and intensity of the latest mobilizations, this essay argues that colonial structural realities induce a cyclical regeneration of popular resistance in historic Palestine and in exile. Nevertheless, the emancipatory prospects of this resistance depend on the transformation of moments that carry revolutionary potential into a long-term struggle, one that is sustained by rejuvenated national institutions pursuing unified anti-colonial principles and political programs.

This timely and critically important work does what hostilities in the Middle East have made nearly impossible: it offers a measured, internal perspective on Palestinian politics, viewing emerging political patterns from the Palestinian point of view rather than through the prism of the Arab-Israeli conflict. Based on groundbreaking fieldwork, interviews with Palestinian leaders, and an extensive survey of Arabic-language writings and documents,Palestinian Politics after the Oslo Accordspresents the meaning of state building and self-reliance as Palestinians themselves have understood them in the years between 1993 and 2002. Nathan J. Brown focuses his work on five areas: legal development, constitution drafting, the Palestinian Legislative Council, civil society, and the effort to write a new curriculum. His book shows how Palestinians have understood efforts at building institutions as acts of resumption rather than creation-with activists and leaders seeing themselves as recovering from an interrupted past, Palestinians seeking to rejoin the Arab world by building their new institutions on Arab models, and many Palestinian reformers taking the Oslo Accords as an occasion to resume normal political life. Providing a clear and urgently needed vantage point on most of the issues of Palestinian reform and governance that have emerged in recent policy debates-issues such as corruption, constitutionalism, democracy, and rule of law-Brown's book helps to put Palestinian aspirations and accomplishments in their proper context within a long and complex history and within the larger Arab world.

The Palestinian situation has not been this bad since the Nakba in 1948. The situation in the West Bank, including Jerusalem, and in the Gaza Strip requires not only reform; it needs a deep and extensive change, which in turn will allow for the reunification of the Palestinian land and the Palestinian political system. The central question here is how to achieve that change. The group in power will resist any changes and will try to preserve their personal interests. Several Israeli actors also want to ensure continuity and entrenchment of the current Palestinian situation, because as the Palestinian political division and paralysis persists, it facilitates their pursuit of settler colonialism of the West Bank, including Jerusalem; their continued rejection of any meaningful political solutions; and even their attempts to negate the national existence of the Palestinian people.

The architecture of Jerusalem has for centuries been defined by its being a space sacred to Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. The end of World War I marked the beginning of British Mandatory rule, which lasted until 1948. During this period, Jerusalem witnessed a proliferation of architectural projects that repositioned religion within modern typologies representing the city’s communities. This research investigates four such buildings: the British Rockefeller Museum, the Palestinian Palace Hotel, the American YMCA Building, which functioned as a community center and hostel, and the new Zionist Executive Building. The integration of religious elements into these edifices is examined using the concept of inter-religious engagement and by applying the theory of purification and hybridization. The research demonstrates that British and American Christians, Zionist Jews, and Muslim Palestinians, used different strategies to produce inter-religious engagement—either intentionally or because of British-dictated political constructs. British and American Christians embedded religious elements within modern typologies to reflect peaceful co-existence, while Zionist Jews and Muslim Palestinians used them to construct national identity. Although conceived as “purely” secular, these modern typologies were hybridized by the integration of religious spaces or emblems, revealing further dimensions to our understanding and assessment of 20th-century urban secular architecture and its intersection with religions.

The Council held Israel responsible for the failure to revive the negotiations process, which was deadlocked as a result of Israel's policy of ongoing settlement activities, which increased by 40% in 2014; its refusal to demarcate the borders of the two states on the June 1967 borders; its refusal to release the last of the Palestinian prisoners detained before the Oslo Accords, as previously agreed; its escalation of attacks, assassinations, raids, land confiscation, Separation Wall construction, collective punishment policies and house demolitions; its denial of the signed agreements; its continued blockade of the Gaza Strip by land, sea and air; its periodic seizure of the Palestinian people's funds; its withholding of other financial dues; and its attempt to transform the conflict into a religious conflict by trying to change the status quo in al-Haram al Sharif; and its demand for the recognition of Israel as a Jewish state; in addition to other policies that embody the establishment of an apartheid state on the ground. [...]the PLO Central Council decided that it would continue its efforts to seek a UN Security Council resolution to end the Israeli occupation within a set timeframe and to obtain recognition of the State of Palestine on the June 4, 1967 Green Line borders.

Cook examines the coronavirus outbreak in Israel and the Palestinian territories which has underlined how inextricably intertwined are the two populations' lives and the extreme differentials of power between them. For once, Israel has been forced to reckon with the region's Palestinians--both the large minority in Israel and those under occupation--aside from its usual, simplistic security paradigm, even if largely out of fear that an epidemic among Palestinians will spread back to the Jewish population. As a result, some observers have mistakenly assumed that there are hopeful signs of a newly emerging cooperation among the Israeli authorities and Palestinians. There is very little evidence for this, however.

The Palestinian Authority's application to become a full member state at the United Nations represents the latest stage in its \"alternative peace strategy\" born of the collapse of the U.S.-sponsored Oslo peace process. But—argues the author—the new strategy remains overly dependent on diplomacy and uncertain Palestinian allies like the European Union. If it is to achieve a balance of power for future negotiations more favorable to the Palestinians, however, it will need to be anchored in a greater national consensus at home and in the diaspora, and allied more closely to the emerging democratic forces in the region.

According to the PLO, accession to the international treaties had been scheduled a year earlier, for July 2013, but was postponed under U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry's peace plan subject to the release by Israel of 104 Palestinian prisoners detained prior to the conclusion of the Oslo Accords in the mid1990s.2 On March 29,2014, when Israel reneged on its promise to release the last group of prisoners, the PLO signed letters of accession to international treaties, which would \"protect and promote the basic rights of the Palestinian people and ... enable the State of Palestine to be a responsible actor on the international stage.

Almasri focuses on youth on the prospect of political engagement and intergenerational responsibility. The absence of democracy, accountability, and reconciliation in Palestine, in addition to the Israeli occupation, the high rate of unemployment in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, and the decline in economic opportunities, has amplified young Palestinians' apathy and hopelessness toward politics and social responsibility. The United Nations Security Council adopted Resolution 2250 in December 2015, acknowledging the important role youth can play in conflict resolution and sustainable peacebuilding, and asked member states to promote the engagement of youth in policy-making, political participation, and decision-making processes. The long gap in the peace process, combined with governments' partial detachment from the younger generation, is widening the divide and driving Israel into radicalization and Palestine into the political unknown. This gap is also leading to a deep sense of insecurity and despair among youth in Palestine.