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The changing nature of conflict and the increase in intrastate conflict during the 1990s, followed by its slow decline since the turn of the century, have led to changing priorities in the field of conflict resolution. No longer is the international community solely concerned with resolving existing conflicts; it also is managing emerging conflicts to ensure that they do not flare into violent conflict. This book outlines some of the strategies parliaments and parliamentarians can adopt to reduce the incidence of conflict and effectively manage conflict when it does emerge. It is hoped that by developing a better understanding of the nexus between parliament, poverty, and conflict parliamentarians will be more aware of the array of options open to them as they seek to contribute to conflict management in conflict-affected societies.

Since the early 1990s, countries in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) Region have made admirable progress in reducing the gap between girls and boys in areas such as access to education and health care. Indeed, almost all young girls in the Region attend school, and more women than men are enrolled in university. Over the past two decades, maternal mortality declined 60 percent, the largest decrease in the world. Women in MENA are more educated than ever before. It is not only in the protest squares that have seen women whose aspirations are changing rapidly but increasingly unmet. The worldwide average for the participation of women in the workforce is approximately 50 percent. In MENA, their participation is half that at 25 percent. Facing popular pressure to be more open and inclusive, some governments in the region are considering and implementing electoral and constitutional reforms to deepen democracy. These reforms present an opportunity to enhance economic, social, and political inclusion for all, including women, who make up half the population. However, the outlook remains uncertain. Finally, there are limited private sector and entrepreneurial prospects not only for jobs but also for those women who aspire to create and run a business. These constraints present multiple challenges for reform. Each country in MENA will, of course, confront these constraints in different contexts. However, inherent in many of these challenges are rich opportunities as reforms unleash new economic actors. For the private sector, the challenge is to create more jobs for young women and men. The World Bank has been pursuing an exciting pilot program in Jordan to assist young women graduates in preparing to face the work environment.

The Great War created new challenges for the proponents of pre-1914 cosmopolitanism. This article explores this theme by studying the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU), an international association of members of parliament active in the interwar period. The IPU is first taken as a case study to discuss the difficulty of clearly differentiating between national politicians and agents of international civil society during the years between the wars. The article then shows how pre-war liberal internationalists had to reorient after the First World War, and how socialists and nationalists brought new agendas to the realm of international cooperation at the non-governmental level. These new perspectives shaping the international system even led to far-reaching plans for a world parliament. However, the IPU's history also shows how domestic political polarization contributed to the failure of interwar internationalism.

On March 9, 2010, the upper house of Parliament in India, the world's largest democracy, passed a constitutional amendment to reserve one-third of the seats in Parliament and State Assemblies for women. If adopted, the amendment would more than triple the number of women in Parliament from the present modest level of 10.8%. While increases in women's representation have been rising at an incremental pace in much of the industrialized world, the pace has been much more chaotic and dramatic in the developing world, with many countries making dramatic leaps forward through the adoption of quotas, while other countries have made no advances at all. While there have been significant gains for women, there remains a large number of countries where there has been little movement. Women's representation is particularly low in the Middle East and among the Pacific Island states.

Difícilmente se puede entender ya nuestro régimen constitucional y la teoría del Estado integrado en la Unión Europea sin conocer las relaciones que se han articulado y consolidado a nivel europeo entre los tres poderes clásicos: en primer lugar, el Poder Legislativo, a través del sistema de cooperación interparlamentaria y de relaciones entre ordenamientos; en segundo lugar, el Poder Ejecutivo, a través de las denominadas relaciones intergubernamentales; y, en tercer lugar, el Poder Judicial, a través del rico diálogo jurisdiccional desarrollado por los tribunales constitucionales nacionales, las respectivas jurisdicciones ordinarias, el Tribunal de Justicia de la Unión Europea y la Corte Europea de Derechos Humanos. Tomando como base este contexto constitucional, la presente monografía, bajo el título El sistema interparlamentario europeo, define y analiza el primero de los ámbitos citados, esto es, los fundamentos, el régimen jurídico y la aplicación práctica del conjunto de técnicas normativas y orgánicas que, conforme a lo dispuesto en el Tratado de la Unión Europea –y dos de sus Protocolos–, el Derecho Parlamentario y los Estatutos de Autonomías, relacionan los tres niveles de poder legislativo de nuestro Estado: el Parlamento Europeo, las Cortes Generales y los Parlamentos autonómicos. Por el cumplimiento de sus funciones preventivas y de control de los principios de subsidiariedad y proporcionalidad sobre el Derecho de la Unión Europea, el sistema interparlamentario europeo se ha erigido en un método integrado de cooperación entre las distintas sedes de representación popular (europea, estatal y territorial) de gran potencialidad para equilibrar el sistema competencial europeo y compatibilizar los intereses en presencia. Para su cabal comprensión exige el análisis y valoración crítica de su casuística, la tipología de los dictámenes, la terminología que la acompaña (IPEX, tarjeta amarilla, tarjeta naranja…), la experiencia en las Cortes Generales (Comisión Mixta para la Unión Europea) y de los Parlamen t. os autonómicos desde su puesta en práctica en el año 2009, así como su repercusión en el sistema de fuentes del Derecho Parlamentario y en las funciones de la jurisdicción de Luxemburgo.cute}e Joaquín Fernández Alles es Profesor Titular de Derecho Constitucional de la Universidad de Cádiz, doctor en Derecho, es autor de más de cien publicaciones (libros, capítulos de libros y artículos de revistas indexadas) en el ámbito del Derecho Constitucional y de la Unión Europea, responsable del Grupo de Investigación SEJ-058 \"Centro de Investigaciones Sociales y Migratorias del Estrecho de Gibraltar\" del Plan Andaluz de Investigación, y director de la Revista de Estudios Fronterizos del Estrecho de Gibraltar (REFEG, ISSN 1698-1006) y del Título de Experto en Derecho de Extranjería y de Cooperación al Desarrollo (Universidad de Cádiz). Ha realizado estancias en universidades como Harvard University (USA), Roma 1-La Sapienza (Italia), Hochschule Trier (Tréveris, Alemania) o la Universidad de Concepción (Chile), de cuyo. Programa de Estudios Europeos es miembro. Ha dirigido cinco proyectos internacionales con las Universidades de San Luis (Argentina) y Abdel Malek Essaadi (Tánger, Marruecos), y es docente y miembro del Consejo Académico del Programa de Doctorado en Derecho de la Universidad Autónoma de Chile (Santiago). En el Parlamento de Andalucía, fue asesor parlamentario en la tramitación del Estatuto de Autonomía (2006-2007) y experto del Grupo de Trabajo sobre la reforma de la Ley Electoral (2016). Pertenece a la Red de Excelencia \"Tiempo de los Derechos\" y a la Asociación de Constitucionalistas de España. En 2004, obtuvo el Premio de Estudios Constitucionales 1812 por la obra \"Las relaciones intergubernamentales en el Derecho Constitucional Español\". [Texto de la editorial].

Longitudinal, global studies such as the Global Media Monitoring Project (GMMP) allow for identifying patterns of news reporting which transcend time and place, revealing the equality fallacy in all its empty glory. This chapter suggests that the problem of media sexism relates to a mix of issues linked to macho production cultures and faulty perceptions about the audience, media conglomeratization, tabloidization, the attention‐deficit‐disordered public, and the personalization and celebritization of politics, where both women and men politicians provide easy pickings for the frazzled journalist. In the Inter‐Parliamentary Union (IPU)'s own study of parliamentarians around the world, they contend that issues such as women's health and violence against women are now a routine feature of parliamentary debate as a direct consequence of the increasing numbers of elected women members. The potential of new and social media to provide communication mechanisms through which women can find their own authentic political voice, and are doing so.

The Canadian House of Commons in 2009 included sixty-nine female Members of Parliament, (roughly 22% of the seats). Canada is ranked next to Mauritania in 48th place for the number of women in its national assembly in a Inter-Parliamentary Union study. Some countries have proven that states can raise the number of female legislators virtually overnight. This process of rapidly increasing female representation in only one election has been described as a \"watershed\". This paper will discuss the possibility of implementing viable policies to create a gender watershed in Canada. It discusses the philosophical and ethical questions related to women's representation, explores various determinants of women's election to office as put forward in the literature, and finally argues that if certain conditions hold a gender watershed is possible in Canada. Adapted from the source document.

Reports Sir T. Brimelow's discussions with the US Minister in London over US and EC attitudes towards Portugal.