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"Party affiliation India."
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Comparative study for machine learning classifier recommendation to predict political affiliation based on online reviews
In the current era of social media, different platforms such as Twitter and Facebook have frequently been used by leaders and the followers of political parties to participate in political events, campaigns, and elections. The acquisition, analysis, and presentation of such content have received considerable attention from opinion‐mining researchers. For this purpose, different supervised and unsupervised techniques have been used. However, they have produced less efficient results, which need to be improved by incorporating additional classifiers with the extended data sets. The authors investigate different supervised machine learning classifiers for classifying the political affiliations of users. For this purpose, a data set of political reviews is acquired from Twitter and annotated with different polarity classes. After pre‐processing, different machine learning classifiers like K‐nearest neighbor, naïve Bayes, support vector machine, extreme gradient boosting, and others, are applied. Experimental results illustrate that support vector machine and extreme gradient boosting have shown promising results for predicting political affiliations.
Journal Article
Our army
Conventional wisdom holds that the American military is overwhelmingly conservative and Republican, and extremely political. Our Army paints a more complex picture, demonstrating that while army officers are likely to be more conservative, rank-and-file soldiers hold political views that mirror those of the American public as a whole, and army personnel are less partisan and politically engaged than most civilians.
eBook
Determinants of Electoral Outcomes: An Analysis of General Elections in India
According to the vote functions approach, a vote for or against the government is determined by economic and political determinants in the election or pre-election years. For each constituency, we focus on the political parties that receive the top two vote-shares (Ansolabehere et al 2007). [...]for each constituency we have two observations-one for the winning political party and another for the runner-up party-collected over 10 general elections from 1980 to 2014, giving us a total of 8,482 observations. Since the effects of incumbency become starkly visible only when contests in previous elections have been determined by narrow margins, we report below equations where margins of victory in previous elections have been restricted to +/-5%. [...]being a BJP candidate provides an advantage of winning the elections in all these three categories of state.
Journal Article
Transfer of Power and the Crisis of Dalit Politics in India, 1945–47
Ever since its beginning, organized dalit politics under the leadership of
Dr B. R. Ambedkar had been consistently moving away from the Indian National
Congress and the Gandhian politics of integration. It was drifting towards
an assertion of separate political identity of its own, which in the end was
enshrined formally in the new constitution of the All India Scheduled Caste
Federation, established in 1942. A textual discursive representation of
this sense of alienation may be found in Ambedkar's book, What Congress and
Gandhi Have Done to the Untouchables, published in 1945. Yet, within two
years, in July 1947, we find Ambedkar accepting Congress nomination for a
seat in the Constituent Assembly. A few months later he was inducted into
the first Nehru Cabinet of free India, ostensibly on the basis of a
recommendation from Gandhi himself. In January 1950, speaking at a general
public meeting in Bombay, organized by the All India Scheduled Castes
Federation, he advised the dalits to co-operate with the Congress and to
think of their country first, before considering their sectarian
interests. But then within a few months again, this alliance broke
down over his differences with Congress stalwarts, who, among other
things, refused to support him on the Hindu Code Bill. He resigned from
the Cabinet in 1951 and in the subsequent general election in 1952, he was
defeated in the Bombay parliamentary constituency by a political nonentity,
whose only advantage was that he contested on a Congress ticket. Ambedkar's
chief election agent, Kamalakant Chitre described this electoral debacle as
nothing but a ‘crisis’.
Journal Article
SOCIAL CAPITAL IN KERALA: MIXED EVIDENCE FROM A VILLAGE PANCHAYAT
This paper is based on a micro-study of social capital in a village Panchayat in Kerala. It argues that the predominant characteristic of much of the associational life that came into being is based on a preoccupation with entitlements rather than commitment to collective action of a civic kind. It also points out the limitations of social capital generated through the inter mediation of political parties within a framework of agitation to be streamlined into more positive forms of civic engagement. The idea of synergistic action did not materialize during the period of participatory planning in the Panchayat. It was also found that social capital was strongest in those regions of the study Panchayat where political parties were relatively weak and non-political horizontal organizations exist.
Journal Article
