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i Shame and the Anti-Feminist Backlash examines how women opposed to the feminist campaign for the vote in early twentieth-century Britain, Ireland, and Australia used shame as a political tool. It demonstrates just how proficient women were in employing a diverse vocabulary of emotions—drawing on concepts such as embarrassment, humiliation, honour, courage, and chivalry—in the attempt to achieve their political goals. It looks at how far nationalist contexts informed each gendered emotional community at a time when British imperial networks were under extreme duress. The book presents a unique history of gender and shame, which demonstrates just how versatile and ever-present this social emotion was in the feminist politics of the British Empire in the early decades of the twentieth century. It employs a fascinating new thematic lens to histories of anti-feminist/feminist entanglements by tracing national and transnational uses of emotions by women to police their own political communities. It also challenges the common notion that shame had little place in a modernising world by revealing how far groups of patriotic womanhood, globally, deployed shame to combat the effects of feminist activism.ii iii

This paper reports on a laboratory experiment designed specifically to test the influence of national pride on tax honesty while using a physiological marker to observe emotional responses to patriotic priming. Participants were exposed to one of three framing videos before earning income in a real effort task and were given the chance to declare their taxable income. We find that psychological priming through exposure to symbols of Australian national pride and national identity had a positive effect on the level of tax compliance among Australian but not non-Australians. In addition, non-Australians report lower tax compliance ratios in the treatment groups than in the control group which may indicate an outgroup effect. When exploring the potential of a physiological marker of national pride we observe two different types of physiological responses to the activation and effects of national pride and its impact on tax compliance among Australians. Iconic images activate the parasympathetic nervous system while sports scenes activate the sympathetic nervous system, but both types of images and responses are positively associated with tax compliance. In addition, we find that non-Australians resident in the country for more than a year report a higher level of tax compliance, and that there are some similarities in heart rate variability (HRV) responses between Australian citizens born in the country and those born overseas who have been in Australia for a longer period. Overall, the results support the proposition that identifying with an ingroup at a national level is important for tax compliance.

In recent years, the world has experienced conflict. When political conflicts affect consumers’ emotions and alter their perceptions of a country’s image, it can influence their preferences. This study deconstructs the notion of a country image into multiple dimensions and examines their impact on consumers’ willingness to pay for imported beef from Australia, Brazil, and the United States. Using a rank-ordered probit model and data from a survey of 935 respondents, results show that consumers’ perceptions of a country’s friendliness, economy, environment, and quality all have a positive and statistically significant effect on their willingness to pay for beefsteak imported from that country. Among these dimensions of the country image, the quality is the most important, followed by the economy, friendliness, and the environment. This study also finds heterogeneity in consumer perception of friendliness towards the United States, Australia, and Brazil. This study provides valuable insights for assessing the real losses resulting from a deteriorating international environment and suggests policies to enhance competitiveness in the food market.

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to examine Anzac Day commemoration in schools during World War 1.Design/methodology/approachEmpirical research from newspapers and education department publications is used to illustrate key themes in these commemorations.FindingsDespite claims made at the time that school commemorations did not promote militarism, the available evidence proves the fallacy of these assertions. Moreover, schools became very significant sites for the institutionalising of Anzac Day and shaping it in quite specific ways.Originality/valueWhile other authors have examined the militarisation of schools in Australia in the early decades of the 20th century, no study has focussed on schools specifically in relation to Anzac Day.

This paper investigates the connection between national immigration policy and a society’s attitudes towards immigration. It argues that a country’s immigration policy framework plays an important role in the formation of attitudes towards immigration by shaping the local national context of the receiving country. It examines the influence of a country’s immigration policy framework by contrasting two countries – Australia and Germany – that developed remarkably different immigration policies in response to large immigration movements during the post-war period. We explore attitudes towards immigration on four dimensions: (1) the national economy, (2) the labour market, (3) the national culture, and (4) the level of immigrant influx. The analyses reveal three main findings. First, people in Australia tend to display more positive attitudes towards immigration than in Germany. Second, in both countries, attitudes towards immigration tend to be influenced in a similar way by an individual’s socio-economic background and feelings of national identity (in the form of nationalism and patriotism). Third, immigration policy represents a strong indicator of attitudes towards immigration. We found that the planned integrative immigration policy in Australia supports the formation of more positive attitudes towards immigration by influencing people’s perception on the economic and socio-cultural impacts of immigration.

This paper investigates the connection between national immigration policy and a society’s attitudes towards immigration. It argues that a country’s immigration policy framework plays an important role in the formation of attitudes towards immigration by shaping the local national context of the receiving country. It examines the influence of a country’s immigration policy framework by contrasting two countries – Australia and Germany – that developed remarkably different immigration policies in response to large immigration movements during the post-war period. We explore attitudes towards immigration on four dimensions: (1) the national economy, (2) the labour market, (3) the national culture, and (4) the level of immigrant influx. The analyses reveal three main findings. First, people in Australia tend to display more positive attitudes towards immigration than in Germany. Second, in both countries, attitudes towards immigration tend to be influenced in a similar way by an individual’s socio-economic background and feelings of national identity (in the form of nationalism and patriotism). Third, immigration policy represents a strong indicator of attitudes towards immigration. We found that the planned integrative immigration policy in Australia supports the formation of more positive attitudes towards immigration by influencing people’s perception on the economic and socio-cultural impacts of immigration.

William Yinson Lee (Li Yuanxin), an influential charity innovator, introduced many modern fund-raising techniques into Shanghai from the 1920s to the 1940s, a time of growing foreign intervention in charitable services to China’s poor and disadvantaged. From the late nineteenth century, foreign charities and humanitarian agencies had drawn attention to inequality and injustice in China and tried to remedy them through charitable investments in education, health, and social welfare. These efforts were welcome as substantial support to the needy but unwelcome in drawing international attention to China’s failure to care for its own. Underlying ambivalence toward foreign charities was reflected in efforts to recover China’s welfare sovereignty by Chinese émigrés returning to China from Anglophone settlements around the Pacific Rim. For Lee and his associates in Shanghai, charity served as an entrée into elite social and political circles and as a medium for cross-cultural negotiations, for participating actively in civic life, for promoting trans-Pacific trade, and for recovering welfare sovereignty for modern China.

Set in a regional coastal town, War Crimes tells a powerful story of five disenfranchised young women who are fighting for respect, railing against authority and struggling to form an identity in a small town with limited opportunities. The relocation of an Iraqi refugee family to the town provokes a climate of hostility and tension that threatens to violently explode.War Crimes continues Betzien’s trademark technique of using real events as pretexts for the creation of relevant and provocative contemporary Australian drama.

The literature on political socialization has overlooked the influence of system characteristics of schooling on civic values and youth political identities. This article addresses that gap by investigating the degree to which system differentiation relates to the values of ethnic tolerance and patriotism. We distinguish between pedagogical differentiation and territorial differentiation. While the first concept relates to the contrast between early tracking and comprehensive education, the second term captures the contrast between federal versus unitary states. We find that comprehensive schooling and nonfederal systems are associated with smaller disparities of ethnic tolerance and patriotism across ethnic and social groups. Patriotism is positively linked to ethnic tolerance in nonfederal systems. We suggest that nonexclusionary forms of patriotism can be promoted by public education through some form of national regulation of the curriculum.

The published works of Australian External Affairs Minister R. G. Casey are analysed to illustrate his position in Australian international thought. While intimately associated with various empire causes, he is also shown to have been an advocate of distinct Australian national interests as well as a firm but not uncritical supporter of closer Anglo-American co-operation. He also affirmed realist sentiments, but found some positive value in international institutions. These positions can be reconciled if Casey is interpreted as neither an imperialist nor a nationalist but rather a strong believer in the existence of a transnational British community, a belief characteristic of much conservative Australian international thought in the period between the wars.