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\"Popovic outlines his philosophy for implementing peaceful world change and provides a model for activists everywhere through stories of his own experience toppling dictatorships (peacefully) and of smaller examples of social change ... Through examples of using laughter and music (e.g., Pussy Riot) to disarm the opposition and gather supporters, to staging a protest of LEGO men in Siberia (when flesh-and-blood people would have been shot), to a boycott of cottage cheese in Israel to challenge price inflation while organizing around rice pudding to overthrow the dictator of the Maldives, Popovic uses true and sometimes outrageously clever examples of the ways in which non-violent resistance has achieved its means\" -- Provided by publisher.

Since 1993, various international donors have poured money into a People-to-People (P2P) diplomacy programme in Palestine. This grassroots initiative - still funded by prominent external donors today - seeks to foster public engagement through contact and therefore remove deeply embedded barriers. This book examines the limited nature of this ‘contact’ and explains why the P2P framework, which was ostensibly concerned with the promotion of peace, ultimately served to reinforce conflict and power relations. The book is based on the author’s own experience of the solidarity activities during the First Intifada and her first-hand involvement as a coordinator of the P2P projects implemented during the 1990s. It provides a much-needed critical account of the internationally-sponsored peace process and develops new theoretical analyses of settler colonialism.

The Israeli-Palestinian struggle is considered to be one of the most entrenched conflicts in the world. Presenting and evaluating interactive models of peacemaking and the phenomenon of intractable conflict, the book takes an in-depth look into specific models for peacemaking and applies them to the situation in Israel/Palestine. The argument centers around the idea that a multifaceted approach to peacemaking has the greatest potential to transform an intractable conflict into a mutually beneficial social order. Encompassing theoretical background, comparative studies of conflict resolution processes in similar circumstances around the world and policy recommendations, the author presents four interactive models of peacemaking to suggest a comprehensive approach to peacemaking that attacks the conflict from various angles, directions and dimensions. Introducing general conditions that have the potential to transform a situation of destructive conflict into a more peaceful social order, Conflict and Peacemaking in Israel-Palestine adds a fresh perspective to the study of destructive social conflicts and should provoke critical discussion among students and scholars of peace and conflict studies, Middle Eastern politics, conflict resolution and management. Introduction Part 1: General Background 1. Intractable Conflict as a Complex Phenomenon 2. The Palestinian-Israeli Conflict 3. Between Conflict-Resolution and Conflict-Management Part 2: Interactive Models of Peacemaking 4. The Strong-Leader Model 5. The Social-Reformer Model 6. The Political-Elite Model 7. The Public-Assembly Model. Summary and Conclusion Sapir Handelman is a visiting professor at the Center for Peace and Conflict Studies at Wayne State University, an associate at Harvard University and the Lentz Fellow in Peace and Conflict Resolution Research. His research focuses on the study of destructive social conflicts and their resolution, political theory, and applied ethics. He also leads the \"Minds of Peace Experiment\" at various Centers for Peace Studies around the U.S. and the Middle East, a project which offers simulations of a potential Palestinian-Israeli public-assembly, a public negotiating congress, and is the recipient of the 2010 Peter Becker Award for Peace and Conflict Studies.

The paradox of war’s legitimacy has long fueled debate over what constitutes a just cause. This article examines the evolving interpretation of just war through the lens of Africa’s 20th‐century decolonization. It examines how struggles for national sovereignty raised questions about the legitimacy of newly formed governments and their ideologies, as well as the efficacy of peace processes facilitated by international bodies amid ongoing interference from former colonial powers in a state‐centric, ideologically divided world order. This article draws on the case studies of Mozambique and Angola to explore the complexities of legitimization. These countries were selected for two reasons: First, both countries share a recent history shaped by their (de)colonization struggle against the Portuguese. Second, parallels emerge in their post‐colonial power struggles and the peace processes that followed. Ultimately, this comparison intends to explain how the protagonists legitimized their struggles and assess the effectiveness of the United Nations’ approach to these conflicts. The differing outcomes in these cases highlight the importance of context‐specific approaches and the critical role of adaptable international support. This exploratory study relies on qualitative methods, drawing data from archival sources, particularly official documents from the United Nations, the Organization of African Unity, and parties involved in the conflicts. The study also employs discourse analysis to examine the narratives developed by various protagonists in their quest to legitimize warfare and articulate grievances during negotiations.

This book focuses on the September 2000 confrontation between Israelis and Palestinians, examining the characteristics of a confrontation that developed into a protracted low-intensity conflict. Topics addressed include the strategies adopted by both sides, the reasons for the failure of moderation, and the phenomenon of unilateral disengagement.

This study applies a governmentality approach to analyse the European Union’s civil society promotion in the context of the Israeli–Palestinian peace process through the EU’s Partnership for Peace instrument. Contrary to a widespread conviction in earlier academic research, it argues that the EU engagement with the Israeli–Palestinian conflict has political substance, and the Partnership for Peace provides a good illustration of this. The governmentality perspective highlights the power of the technical in guiding civil society towards particular visions, activities and goals. It brings to light a set of supposedly neutral definitions and technical instruments related to project applications and project selection that sort out, promote and link together civil society action in a way that manages and reinforces the existing dynamics of the peace process. The technical brings with it a particular idea of civil society, which is encouraged to assume functions that focus on the management of the outcomes of the conflict rather than striving for a transformative vision of peace based on political deliberation and fundamental change. The use of the governmentality approach not only aims to provide a better understanding of the nature of the Partnership for Peace programme, but also contributes to debates over the theoretical merits of governmentality by applying the approach to peace and conflict research.

Since the collapse of the Oslo peace process and the violence that followed, many scholars have reflected upon the Israeli-Palestinian peace process. Most of this analysis has focused on official negotiations without considering the substantial role that unofficial peace efforts have played in peacebuilding, both prior to and after Oslo. This article, in contrast, seeks to better understand the application of \"track two\" diplomacy to the Israeli-Palestinian case. It reports on a self-reflection effort by numerous Israeli-Palestinian peace practitioners to better understand what has worked, what has not, and how new initiatives could be more effectively organized and carried out in the future. In this article, the authors seek to better understand two issues: 1. how track two initiatives have changed in scope, organization, and intent; and 2. how track two practitioners have sought to disseminate their work beyond the participants of those initiatives. Their findings present an overall picture of the Israeli-Palestinian second track practice and identify a number of trends and common types of practice.

Since 1921, the Zionist movement, the Hashemites, and Palestinian nationalists have been vying for regional control. In this book, Asher Susser analyzes the evolution of the one- and two-state options and explores why a two-state solution has failed to materialize. He provides an in-depth analysis of Jordan's positions and presents an updated discussion of the two-state imperative through the initiatives of Israel and the Palestinian Authority. Susser argues that Israelis, Palestinians, and Jordanians have cohesive collective identities that violently collide with each other. Because of these entrenched differences, a single-state solution cannot be achieved.

Prefiguring Peace: Israeli-Palestinian Peacebuilding Partnerships, a longitudinal study of more than ten years (1993–2008), focuses on the major peacebuilding initiatives with an educational encounter-based approach in Israel and Palestine. It examines how non-governmental peacebuilding initiatives adapt to radically changing environments, the challenges they face, and why some are able to adapt and survive while others do not. Michelle I. Gawerc explores two aspects of adaptation—the ability to maintain resources and legitimacy with critical constituencies outside the organization, and the ability to continue to function effectively as an organization. Her study shows that when the environment became more tumultuous and hostile, the effectiveness and even survival of these organizations depended to a significant degree on their ability to manage the power asymmetry between the two sides and work as equally as possible. Indeed, it became critical for building and maintaining trust and respect in the partnership; for preserving legitimacy with one’s partner; for maintaining staff and active participant commitment; for managing internal conflict; and even for managing resources. Organizations that failed to deal effectively with matters of equality, and the needs and desires of both sides, ended up struggling to maintain commitment or were doused in conflict that could have been tempered if they strived for more equality. Encompassing various fields, this research contributes to the broad fields of peace and conflict resolution, social movements, and organizational studies. It offers critical insight into how organizations adapt to sudden and drastic changes: what is problematic, what is possible, and what allows some groups to survive while others do not. In addition, it has great import for building sustainable coalitions across inequality, asymmetry, and difference.