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This new book addresses the key question of how NATO and three of its member states are configuring their policies and military doctrines in order to handle the new strategic environment. This environment is increasingly dominated by 'new wars', more precisely civil wars within states, and peacekeeping as the strategy devised by outside actors for dealing with them. The book seeks to explain how this new strategic environment has been interpreted and how the new conflicts and peacekeeping have been fitted into 'defence' and 'war' - key concepts in the field of security studies.

Using more than 600 UN documents that analyse the discussions in the UN Security Council, General Assembly and Secretariat, The United Nations and peacekeeping, 1988-95 presents innovative explanations on how after the Cold War UN peacekeeping operations became the dominant response to conflicts around the globe.

In John Hume in America: From Derry to DC and its accompanying documentary, In the Name of Peace: John Hume in America , Maurice Fitzpatrick chronicles the rise of John Hume from the riot-torn streets of Northern Ireland to his work with American presidents, from Jimmy Carter to Bill Clinton, and the United States Congress to leverage U.S. support for peace in Northern Ireland. Hume is widely considered the architect of the Northern Ireland peace process, and he engaged the attention and assistance of the \"Four Horsemen\"-Thomas \"Tip\" O'Neill, Daniel Patrick Moynihan, Hugh Carey, and Ted Kennedy-to his cause, lending his effort worldwide credibility and putting significant pressure on the British and Irish governments to strive for peace. Supported by the Hume family, Fitzpatrick's critical work is the missing piece in the jigsaw of Hume's political life, tracing his philosophy of non-violence during the Civil Rights movement to his indispensable work with allies in the United States towards the creation of a new political framework in Northern Ireland. Both the book and its companion documentary will be of keen interest to historians and students of political science and Irish, peace, and conflict studies, as well as non-academic audiences.

This book adopts an innovative new approach to examine the role of maritime power and the utility of navies. It uses a number of case studies based upon key Royal Navy operations in the twentieth century to draw out enduring principles about maritime power and to examine the strengths and limitations of maritime forces as instruments of national policy. Individual chapters focus on campaigns and operations from both World Wars and a series of post-1945 crises and conflicts from the Palestine Patrol in the 1940s to Royal Navy operations in support of British policy in the 1990s. Each case study demonstrates critical features of maritime power including: operations during the transition to war; fleet operations in narrow seas; logistics; submarine operations; the impact of air power on maritime operations; blockade; maritime power projection; amphibious warfare; jurisdictional disputes and the law of the sea; and, peace support operations. The contributors to this book all have considerable experience lecturing on these issues at the United Kingdom Joint Services Command and Staff College, where maritime campaign analysis is used to teach the principles of maritime power to officers of the Royal Navy. The book combines an authoritative examination of critical Royal Navy operations during the twentieth century with a sophisticated analysis of the nature of maritime power. As such it is of both historical interest and contemporary relevance and will prove equally valuable to academic historians, military professionals and the general reader.

In Frontiers for Peace in the Medieval North. The Norwegian-Scottish Frontier c. 1260-1470, Ian Peter Grohse offers an account of social and political relations in the frontier community of Orkney in the late Middle Ages.

From the early 1970s through the mid-1990s, Northern Ireland was the site of bitter conflict between those struggling for reunification with the rest of Ireland and those wanting the region to remain a part of the United Kingdom. After years of strenuous negotiations, nationalists and unionists came together in 1998 to sign the Good Friday Agreement. Northern Ireland's peace process has been deemed largely successful. Yet remarkably little has been done to assess in a comprehensive fashion what can be learned from it. Lessons from the Northern Ireland Peace Process incorporates recent research that emphasizes the need for civil society and a grassroots approach to peacebuilding while taking into account a variety of perspectives, including neoconservatism and revolutionary analysis. The contributions, which include the reflections of those involved in the negotiation and implementation of the Good Friday Agreement, also provide policy prescriptions for modern conflicts. This collection of essays in Lessons from the Northern Ireland Peace Process fills a void by articulating the lessons learned and how—or whether—the peace processes can be applied to other regional conflicts.

Western capacity-building programs designed to support African peacekeeping efforts have focused on classroom instruction, field training, and the provision of military equipment. These policies are significant given the numerous threats to peace and security throughout the continent and given the United Nations Security Council's continued reliance on African regional organizations and arrangements in the event of armed conflicts and humanitarian crises. Initially, only France's program included the provision of small arms and light weapons, and then on a rather limited scale. Subsequently, the United States and the United Kingdom have developed programs that have provided substantial quantities of lethal material. This article documents what has been provided and to whom. It reviews the oversight mechanisms used to ensure that equipment is used as intended, and asks whether the programs have served to promote peace and security as intended. The article argues that, while it is too early to determine the effectiveness of these programs, the checks and balances created to ensure that training and weapons are used as intended should be strengthened.

There have been calls for policymakers to draw ‘lessons’ from Britain's experience of Empire and Northern Ireland to inform a new generation of post-Cold War interventions by the international community. This article emphasises the role that domestic public opinion, galvanized by the impact of casualties and the plight of military relatives, has played in shaping Britain's experience of ‘military intervention’ in the ‘civil wars’ of Palestine, Northern Ireland and the former Yugoslavia. Three principal arguments are put forward.

Discusses adaptation of the European Union's Battlegroup Concept as the most appropriate model for a rapid response expeditionary element for the African Standby Force. Six type of mission scenarios for the ASF are noted, trends in African peacekeeping are outlined, & applying the Battlegroup Concept in Africa is described. Adapted from the source document.

Liberia and Sierra Leone are tragic examples of what happens when central authority collapses and warlords emerge as de-facto rulers over large portions of the national territory. Horrors inflicted on non-combatants and the well publicized trading in 'conflict diamonds' served to focus world attention on these two small countries sharing a common border. Both countries have experienced mixed success with outside military intervention for peace keeping and nation building purposes. What has happened is all the more distressing when one considers each country's prospects at birth under the political and economic aegis of arguably two of the most powerful and enlightened countries of the time, Great Britain in the case of Sierra Leone and the United States in Liberia.