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\"The life of William Apess (1789-1839), a Pequot Indian, Methodist preacher, and widely celebrated writer, provides a lens through which to comprehend the complex dynamics of indigenous survival and resistance in the era of America's early nationhood. Apess's life intersects with multiple aspects of indigenous identity and existence in this period, including indentured servitude, slavery, service in the armed forces, syncretic engagements with Christian spirituality, and Native struggles for political and cultural autonomy. Even more, Apess offers a powerful and provocative voice for the persistence of Native presence in a time and place that was long supposed to have settled its \"Indian question\" in favor of extinction. Through meticulous archival research, close readings of Apess's key works, and informed and imaginative speculation about his largely enigmatic life, Drew Lopenzina provides a vivid portrait of this singular Native American figure. This new biography will sit alongside Apess's own writing as vital reading for those interested in early America and indigeneity.\"--Provided by publisher.

Scholars in New England have long been puzzled by the mixed materialities of colonial period Indian homes. Variously interpreted as a strategy for survival, a reflection of cultural loss, or as representations of continuity and change, these sites and their assemblages remain undertheorized. This article focuses on three sites from the Mashantucket Pequot Indian Reservation in southeastern Connecticut, dating between the 1740s/1750s and the 1780s. By considering the differences among them, archaeologists can begin working toward new understandings of Pequot Indian survivance. That research pathway starts with a reconsideration of Indian work in the 1700s, in which household subsistence labor is distinguished from household surplus labor and labor products from labor time. This tactic allows for more in-depth, contextual studies of furnishings and foodways, in which the differences amongst site assemblages become clues to changing reservation ecologies, social exchange networks beyond the reservation, everyday household rhythms, and acts of “quiet defiance.” Los eruditos de Nueva Inglaterra están perplejos desde hace tiempo por las materialidades mezcladas de los hogares indios del período colonial. Interpretados de manera variada como una estrategia de supervivencia, un reflejo de la pérdida cultural o como representaciones de continuidad y cambio, estos yacimientos y sus ensamblajes siguen padeciendo una insuficiencia de teorías. El presente artículo se centra en tres yacimientos de la Reserva India Mashantucket Pequot en el sudeste de Connecticut, que datan entre las décadas de 1740/1750 y 1780. Al considerar las diferencias entre ellos, los arqueólogos pueden empezar a trabajar hacia nuevas comprensiones de la supervivencia de los indios Pequot. Esa vía de investigación comienza con una reconsideración del trabajo de los indios en los años 1700, en los que la mano de obra de subsistencia de los hogares se distingue de la mano de obra en exceso de los hogares y los productos de la mano de obra del tiempo de trabajo. Esta táctica permite estudios más en profundidad y contextuales de muebles y hábitos alimentarios, en los que las diferencias entre los ensamblajes del yacimiento se convierten en pistas hacia ecologías de reserva cambiantes, redes de intercambio social más allá de la reserva, ritmos diarios del hogar y actos de \"callada resistencia\". Les chercheurs en Nouvelle-Angleterre ont longtemps été surpris par les matériaux mixtes des maisons indiennes de la période coloniale. Interprétés de diverses façons comme une stratégie de survie, un reflet de perte culturelle ou comme des représentations de continuité et de changement, ces sites et leurs assemblages restent insuffisamment théorisés. Cet article porte essentiellement sur trois sites de la réserve indienne des Mashantucket Pequots dans le sud-est du Connecticut, datant des années 1740 et 1750 et des années 1780. En examinant les différences entre eux, les archéologues peuvent commencer à œuvrer en vue d’une nouvelle compréhension de la survivance des indiens Pequot. Cette voie de recherche commence par un réexamen des ouvrages indiens dans les années 1700, dans lesquels le travail de subsistance des familles se distingue du surplus de travail des familles et les produits de ce travail du temps de travail. Cette approche tient compte d’études plus approfondies et contextuelles du mobilier et des habitudes alimentaires, dans lesquels les différences entre les assemblages des sites deviennent des indices pour l’évolution des écologies de la réserve, des réseaux d’échange social en dehors de la réserve, des rythmes quotidiens des familles et des actes de « défiance calme ».

\"Indian wars were conflicts between the first people to live in the Americas, called Indians or Native Americans, and the European settlers who formed the United States of America. The fighting went on for hundreds of years, from the 1500's, when European explorers and then colonists first arrived, until the 1890's. As newcomers arrived in greater numbers, they took more and more Indian lands. The Indians fought to keep their territory. Over the years, however, the Indians were pushed farther and farther west and onto reservations.\" (World Book Student) Read more about the Indian wars.

Spring 1634: Unidentified Indians kill John Stone, a scurrilous Englishman and pirate. The English blame the Pequots and for two years Colonial-Pequot tensions remain high. 1636: Block Island Indians kill John Oldham. The English send an expedition to punish the Block Islanders and to demand John Stone's killers from the Pequots. Talks with the Pequots break down and violence erupts. The Pequots attack English settlements, and the English declare war on the Pequots -- the first declared war in America. 1637: English Puritans, with Mohegan and Narragansett allies, burn a Pequot village at Missituck (Mystic), massacring 400-700 men, women, and children. The English pursue the remaining Pequots until most are either killed or enslaved. Pequots are forbidden to use their tribal name and are subjugated to other Native Tribes allied with the English. With the help of sympathetic English leaders, they eventually are able to reestablish their own communities, which become the first Indian reservations in America.

At a hearing G. Michael Brown, the president of the Foxwoods Resort Casino in Ledyard, said, \"No casino in the United States paid more to the state in which it is located than the Mashantucket Pequots tribe paid to the State of Connecticut.\" Citing a compact the tribe signed with Gov. Lowell P. Weicker Jr., Mr. Brown added that as soon as the \"ink is dry\" on legislation allowing another casino, \"the payment of $10 million a month will stop.\" For Mr. [Donald J. Trump], the venture into state politics was more congenial than a few years ago, when he first tested the waters for a casino. At that time, he and Mr. Weicker got into a public feud, with Mr. Weicker calling Mr. Trump a \"dirtbag\" and Mr. Trump calling Mr. Weicker a \"fat slob.\" Today, Mr. Trump could not resist taking another jab at Mr. Weicker. Referring to the agreement with the Pequots, Mr. Trump called it \"the most ridiculous deal I've ever seen,\" adding, \"Some day, someone should question why he made it.\"

This chapter examines the assimilation and rejection of English culture by Pequot Indian captives. The slaves who acculturated enough to understand the society and system in which they now had to operate had some advantages, including success at creating new social bonds to replace the ones lost through captivity. However, the very act of acculturation also meant at least temporarily severing ties to one's own past, family, and meaningful ethical and spiritual universes—or, if not severing, then learning new beliefs, words, and behaviors well enough to operate in both worlds. This might make reintegration into the old sociocultural system difficult. It also might erode the sense of separate identity that helped captives and enslaved persons resist their captors' efforts to define them. Pequot captives confronted all these choices and made different decisions.

\"They're going to get their foot in somewhere,\" Mr. [Roger Henry] predicted. \"When you look at the fiscal state of this state, how bad shape they're in, they're going to grab every buck they can.\" A Different Tone \"They're going to take away from the horse racing, the dog racing, the jai alai,\" Vincent Finelli, of North Smithfield, R.I., said of the Pequots, predicting that states will have to join them and other New England tribes like Rhode Island's Naragansetts in opening casinos. \"Gambling is here to stay, and there's nothing you can do about it.\" \"We're concerned about the growing dependence of the state on gambling revenues,\" he continued, \"but we are hardly critical of the Pequots for wanting a piece of the action.\"

This chapter considers the interactions between Pequot Indian captives and the English. The Indians' presence in homes, streets, inns, churches, stores, and fields forged a hybrid society where Indians and Europeans came into daily contact at all social levels. They shaped each other's lives and institutions in post-Pequot War New England, and not just in the emerging New England culture of labor. Indians formed friendships and sexual relationships with servants and neighbors; they exchanged work and food technologies, information and tactics, fears and confidences. Their presence prompted changes in labor law and control. Indians attended English churches and schools, including Harvard; they exposed English observers to Indian religious practices, funerary rites, and other important Native American communal rituals. Indians and English raised and nursed each other's children, sharing intimate elements of their family lives. By taking Pequot captives, English colonists did not distance themselves from Indians but instead linked themselves to them.

This chapter focuses on King Philip's War (1675–76) and its impact on Indian–English relations and the Native American experience. Most historical narratives of the war mention the captivity and enslavement of Indians. In these accounts, captivity largely forms a coda for some Indians and a marker of English victory. Putting captives at the center of King Philip's War does not completely revise our understanding of the war's progress and outcomes. It does, however, help explain the behavior of civil and military leaders on both sides of the conflict. Like the Pequot conflict, King Philip's War began for complex reasons but quickly became a war about captives. These were different wars, yet the outcomes with regard to captivity and enslavement proved curiously similar.

This chapter considers the justifications for Indian slavery in the seventeenth century. Foremost among these rationales was the need for labor both in New England and in the Atlantic and Caribbean plantations where Puritans established trade and personal ties. Pequot Indian captives represented a crucial source of workers at a time when colonists desperately needed them. Ultimately, neither moral nor legal considerations checked the move to Indian slavery. Even ministers closely concerned with evangelization of Native Americans seldom went on the record against Indian slavery in the seventeenth century. Indeed, many clergymen themselves wanted Indian slaves. Reducing Indians to servitude offered a solution to labor shortages and a means of punishing, controlling, or acculturating local native populations.