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In this paper, I examine the unpublished First World War diaries of Giovanni Pirelli – heir to the helm of the Pirelli tyre company – for their account of how the war and fall of Fascism may have catalysed his dissociation from his family, his class, and his ideological foundation. In the post-war period, Pirelli traced the source of his rejection of his inheritance to his experiences during the Russian retreat, but in the moment, the expression of this kind of transformation is fragmentary and complex. Scholars often look to war diaries and letters for their testimony to the state of the individual in combat. Through close reading, I trace how Pirelli’s writings negotiate his immense privilege and his attempt to construct a moral identity in the midst of war. I consider how they demonstrate his break with his wartime ideals and Fascism and how they anticipate his later transition from industrial heir to socialist activist. My examination of these diaries reveals the ambiguities inherent in this transformation of Fascist and bourgeois subjectivity. Quest’articolo esamina i diari di guerra di Giovanni Pirelli – primo erede dell’azienda Pirelli e noto intellettuale socialista e anticolonialista del dopoguerra – per come raccontano la sua esperienza della seconda guerra mondiale, la fine del fascismo e la Resistenza, e per come anticipano il suo distacco dalla sua famiglia, la sua classe, e le sue origini ideologiche. Negli anni del dopoguerra, Pirelli ha ritenuto la ritirata dalla Russia come l’evento alla base di questo suo gran rifiuto, ma durante il conflitto l’espressione di queste trasformazioni è più frammentaria e complessa. Questo articolo ripercorre il modo in cui i diari articolano la sua consapevolezza dei privilegi familiari e sociali, e il suo sforzo di costruire una sua personale identità morale. Un’esame di questi scritti offre un suggestivo ritratto delle ambiguità del processo di trasformazione di un soggetto fascista e borghese. Questo studio è contestualizzato nel quadro più ampio degli studi su lettere e diari di guerra e la loro testimonianza sullo stato dell’individuo in combattimento.

Comments on Rome telegram No. 96 of February 14 reporting an article in ' Deutsche Allgemeine Zeitung' regarding Italy's ' just claims' against France.

Refers to No. 336 and reports representatations made to M.F.A. regarding article in question. Count Ciano stated that article must be held to represent only views of writer but he would neither confirm nor deny what had been written.

In these goings-on, [Enrico Cuccia], as managing director of Mediobanca, long Italy's only merchant bank, was a cross between the Pope and Holy Roman Emperor. His strengths were shrewdness, grasp of detail, a perfect sense of timing and, not least, his utter discretion. Not once, in a career of half a century, did he speak to the press. In my days as Rome Correspondent of the Financial Times, I asked to see him. \"Sa,\" came the reply from the nearest thing the bank had to a spokesman, \"Il Dottore non da interviste mai.\" (\"You know, he never gives interviews.\") And he never did. The most to be elicited would be a polite \"Good morning\" as Cuccia walked the short distance each day from his home in Via Mascagni to Mediobanca's offices in Via Filodrammatici, opposite La Scala opera house. The possible exception of course was Michele Sindona, the Mafia- backed financier who in the 1960s and 1970s was first a contender for Cuccia's crown and then, as criminal bankruptcy threatened, a supplicant for help. Cuccia turned him down, but there is still argument over whether Cuccia knew of the danger faced by Giorgio Ambrosoli, the liquidator of Sindona's Italian assets, who was shot dead by an unknown assassin on the streets of Milan in July 1979. In both blood and background, Enrico Cuccia wove together many of modern Italy's conflicting strands. His origins were Sicilian but he was born in Rome. He studied law but detested politics. He made his early career at the IRI, the state holding company created by Mussolini, and at the Bank of Italy, before moving to Banca Commerciale Italiana in Milan, hub of the efficient \"Hapsburg\" Italian north which despised the southern capital and all its works. Though technically controlled by IRI, \"Comit\" was the doyen of Italian banks, and Cuccia's patrons were of the purest pedigree: Ugo La Malfa, later to lead the republican party, and Raffaele Mattioli, BCI's chief executive and among the most revered figures in 20th- century Italian banking.