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As each power vies for its national interests on the world stage, how do its own citizens' democratic interests fare at home? Alan Gilbert speaks to an issue at the heart of current international-relations debate. He contends that, in spite of neo-realists' assumptions, a vocal citizen democracy can and must have a role in global politics. Further, he shows that all the major versions of realism and neo-realism, if properly stated with a view of the national interest as a common good, surprisingly lead to democracy. His most striking example focuses on realist criticisms of the Vietnam War. Democratic internationalism, as Gilbert terms it, is really the linking of citizens' interests across national boundaries to overcome the antidemocratic actions of their own governments. Realist misinterpretations have overlooked Thucydides' theme about how a democracy corrupts itself through imperial expansion as well as Karl Marx's observations about the positive effects of democratic movements in one country on events in others. Gilbert also explodes the democratic peace myth that democratic states do not wage war on one another. He suggests instead policies to accord with the interests of ordinary citizens whose shared bond is a desire for peace. Gilbert shows, through such successes as recent treaties on land mines and policies to slow global warming that citizen movements can have salutary effects. His theory of \"deliberative democracy\" proposes institutional changes that would give the voice of ordinary citizens a greater influence on the international actions of their own government.

The Evolution of the Trade Regime offers a comprehensive political-economic history of the development of the world's multilateral trade institutions, the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and its successor, the World Trade Organization (WTO). While other books confine themselves to describing contemporary GATT/WTO legal rules or analyzing their economic logic, this is the first to explain the logic and development behind these rules. The book begins by examining the institutions' rules, principles, practices, and norms from their genesis in the early postwar period to the present. It evaluates the extent to which changes in these institutional attributes have helped maintain or rebuild domestic constituencies for open markets. The book considers these questions by looking at the political, legal, and economic foundations of the trade regime from many angles. The authors conclude that throughout most of GATT/WTO history, power politics fundamentally shaped the creation and evolution of the GATT/WTO system. Yet in recent years, many aspects of the trade regime have failed to keep pace with shifts in underlying material interests and ideas, and the challenges presented by expanding membership and preferential trade agreements.

This book collects a number of Martin Shefter's most important articles on political parties. They address three questions: Under what conditions will strong party organizations emerge? What influences the character of parties--in particular, their reliance on patronage? In what circumstances will the parties that formerly dominated politics in a nation or city come under attack? Shefter's work exemplifies the \"new institutionalism\" in political science, arguing that the reliance of parties on patronage is a function not so much of mass political culture as of their relationship with public bureaucracies. The book's opening chapters analyze the circumstances conducive to the emergence of strong political parties and the changing balance between parties and bureaucracies in Europe and America. The middle chapters discuss the organization and exclusion of the American working classes by machine and reform regimes. The book concludes by examining party organizations as instruments of political control in the largest American city, New York.

The bazaar-mosque alliance, as an \"ordinary\" structure, has shown a remarkable resilience & capability to mobilize extraordinary collective actions during Iran's constitutional revolution of 1905-1911, the oil nationalization movement of 1950-1953, & the Islamic revolution of 1977-1979. Examined here are: (1) the religious, social, & cultural bases of the bazaar-mosque alliance & the political circumstances & state actions that have tended to bolster it; (2) the role that the different strata of the bazaar (big merchants, master artisans, & shopkeepers) & the clerics have played in the initiation, leadership, & mobilization of these protest movements; (3) the impact of recent socioeconomic changes on the economic, social, & cultural arrangements of the bazaar & the mosque; (4) the changes that have occurred in the nature & pattern of demand-making of the bazaar-mosque alliance across these movements; & (5) ways that the alliance functioned in postrevolutionary Iran when a militant segment of the clerics & radical intelligentsia came to dominate the state apparatus. It is shown that the resilient forces of the bazaar & the mosque possessed enormous financial, religious, social, & spatial resources with a vast national & local network. When the opportunity came in 1977-1979, the traditional resources of the bazaar-mosque alliance were mobilized for collective action, with persuasion & pressure by a militant group that had been organized under Ayatollah Khomeini since the early 1960s. The intelligentsia had no comparable organizational network & thus were incapable of assuming an independent leadership of the movement. The revolution, however, went far beyond the reactive demands of the bazaar-mosque alliance, & the old antagonism between the alliance & the state has been exacerbated in postrevolutionary Iran. 71 References. AA

A study of the origin & evolution of the nobility in Hungary between 1748 & 1848, with focus on their self-perception, institutions, & administrative & parliamentary practices. The assertion by the nobility that it constituted the nation -- made even to the point of claiming exclusive nationhood -- is examined. The extraordinary power & influence of the nobility was predicated on its vitality, adaptability, & strength, as well as the fact that no alternative leadership emerged during this time. The nobility provided national leadership both cooperative with & oppositional to the Crown. Material progress & industrial development in general did not benefit from the conservative tendencies of the nobility, although a constructive response was taken toward Hungary's need, prior to 1867, for national freedom & progress toward a modern parliamentary state. C. Grindle

Mexico's structural changes during the last decade, its adherence to NAFTA and GATT, the resolution of the devaluation crisis, and the level and distribution of its economic growth will indicate whether the model of freer markets with safety nets should be continued in Mexico or be adopted by other nations.