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Does technological change fuel political disruption? Drawing on fine-grained labor market data from Germany, this paper examines how technological change affects regional electorates. We first show that the well-known decline in manufacturing and routine jobs in regions with higher robot adoption or investment in information and communication technology (ICT) was more than compensated by parallel employment growth in the service sector and cognitive non-routine occupations. This change in the regional composition of the workforce has important political implications: Workers trained for these new sectors typically hold progressive political values and support progressive pro-system parties. Overall, this composition effect dominates the politically perilous direct effect of automation-induced substitution. As a result, technology-adopting regions are unlikely to turn into populist-authoritarian strongholds.

In today's fast-paced, fast food world, everyone seems to be eating alone, all the time--whether it's at their desks or in the car.Even those who find time for a family meal are cut off from the people who grew, harvested, distributed, marketed, and sold the foods on their table.

Drawing on a variety of case studies, this book explores the interrelationship between physical connections to and knowledge of food. This book inserts into the food literature living, feeling, sensing bodies and will be of interest to food scholars as well as those more generally interested in the phenomenon known as embodied realism.

Research on the dispositional origins of political preferences is flourishing, and the primary conclusion drawn from this work is that stronger needs for security and certainty attract people to a broad‐based politically conservative ideology. Though this literature covers much ground, most integrative assessments of it have paid insufficient attention to the presence and implications of contingencies in the relationship between dispositional attributes and political attitudes. In this article, we review research showing that relationships between needs for security and certainty and political preferences vary considerably—sometimes to the point of directional shifts—on the basis of (1) issue domain and (2) contextual factors governing the content and volume of political discourse individuals are exposed to. On the basis of this evidence, we argue that relationships between dispositional attributes and political preferences vary in the extent to which they reflect an organic functional resonance between dispositions and preferences or identity‐expressive motivation to adopt a political attitude merely because it is discursively packaged with other need‐congruent attitudes. We contend that such a distinction is critical to gaining a realistic understanding of the origins and nature of ideological belief systems, and we consequently recommend an increased focus on issue‐based and contextual variation in relationships between dispositions and political preferences.

To estimate the causal effect of refugee migration on voting outcomes in parliamentary and municipal elections in Denmark, our study is the first that addresses the key problem of immigrant sorting by exploiting a policy that assigned refugee immigrants to municipalities on a quasi-random basis. We find that in all but the most urban municipalities, allocation of larger refugee shares between electoral cycles leads to an increase in the vote share for right-leaning parties with an anti-immigration agenda, and we show large differences in voters’ responses to refugee allocation according to pre-policy municipal characteristics. However, in the largest and urban municipalities, refugee allocation has—if anything—the opposite effect on vote shares for anti-immigration parties. This coincides with a sharp divide in attitudes to refugees between urban and rural populations, which may be partly explained by distinctive interactions between natives and those with different background in cities and rural areas. Refugee allocation also has a large impact on the anti-immigration parties’ choice of where to stand for municipal election, and we provide some evidence that it influences voter turnout.

This paper explores the determinants of Covid-19 vaccination in Florida, focusing on demographic, economic, and political preferences. Using data from vaccine intake for Floridians from January to June 2021, we explore the spatial variation in Covid-19 vaccination patterns and regional characteristics to analyze the main features associated with vaccine intake. We use spatial econometric techniques to verify the spatial autocorrelation between vaccination rates and estimate models that can account for spillover effects between counties. Our data allow us to explore differential effects for vaccination patterns across population subgroups according to gender, race and ethnicity, and age. Our results show that political preference has the largest effect on vaccination patterns and that this effect was persistent over time.

This research advances the hypothesis and establishes empirically that interpersonal population diversity, rather than fractionalization or polarization across ethnic groups, has been pivotal to the emergence, prevalence, recurrence, and severity of intrasocietal conflicts. Exploiting an exogenous source of variations in population diversity across nations and ethnic groups, as determined predominantly during the exodus of humans from Africa tens of thousands of years ago, the study demonstrates that population diversity, and its impact on the degree of diversity within ethnic groups, has contributed significantly to the risk and intensity of historical and contemporary civil conflicts. The findings arguably reflect the contribution of population diversity to the non-cohesiveness of society, as reflected partly in the prevalence of mistrust, the divergence in preferences for public goods and redistributive policies, and the degree of fractionalization and polarization across ethnic, linguistic, and religious groups.

Background In the Netherlands, the HPV-vaccine uptake was 52% during the 2009 catch-up campaign (birth cohorts 1993–1996). This increased to 61% in the regular immunization program (birth cohorts 2000–2001). However for birth cohorts 2003–2004 the uptake declined to 45.5%. With this study we aimed to gain insight into social, economic and cultural determinants that are associated with HPV-vaccination uptake and which subgroups with a lower HPV-vaccination uptake can be identified. In addition, we investigated whether the influence of these factors changed over time. Methods To study the determinants of HPV-vaccine uptake we performed a database study using different aggregation levels, i.e. individual level, postal code level and municipality level. All Dutch girls who were invited for HPV-vaccination through the National Immunization Program in the years 2012, 2014 and 2017 (i.e. birth cohorts 1999, 2001 and 2004, respectively) were included in the study population. We conducted multilevel logistic regression analyses to analyze the influence of the determinants on HPV-vaccination uptake, taking into account that the delivery of HPV-vaccine was nested within municipalities. Results Results showed that in particular having not received a MMR-vaccination, having one or two parents born in Morocco or Turkey, living in an area with lower socioeconomic status and higher municipal voting proportions for Christian political parties or populist parties with liberal-conservative views were associated with a lower HPV-vaccination uptake. Besides some changes in political preferences of the population and changes in the association between HPV uptake and urbanization level we found no clear determinants which could possibly explain the decrease in the HPV-vaccination uptake. Conclusions In this study we identified current social, economic and cultural determinants that are associated with HPV-vaccination uptake and which low-vaccination subgroups can be identified. However, no clear determinants were found which could explain the decrease in the HPV-vaccination uptake. Tailored information and/or consultation for groups that are associated with a lower HPV-vaccination uptake might help to increase the HPV-vaccination uptake in the future.

The boom in wealth inequality seen in recent decades has generated a steep rise in scholarly interest in both the drivers and the consequences of the wealth gap. In political science, a pertinent questionregards the political behavior across the wealth spectrum. A common argument is that the wealthy practice patrimonial voting, i.e. voting for right-wing parties to maximize returns on their assets. While thispattern is descriptively well documented, it is less certain to what extent this reflects an actual causal relationship between wealth and political preferences. In this study, we provide new evidence by exploitingwealth variation within identical twin pairs. Our findings suggest that while more wealth is descriptivelyconnected to more support for right-wing parties, the causal impact of wealth on policy preferences islikely highly overstated. For several relevant policy areas these effects may not exist at all. Furthermore,the bias in naive observational estimates seems to be mainly driven by environmental familial confoundersshared within twin pairs, rather than genetic confounding.

We study how individual political preferences changed in response to the influx of over 3.5 million Syrian refugees to Turkey during 2012–2016. Using a difference-in-differences research design, we compare the political outcomes in geographic areas with high versus low intensities of refugee presence before and after the beginning of the Syrian Civil War. To address the endogeneity of refugees’ location choices, we adopt an instrumental variables approach that relies on (1) historical dispersion of Arabic speakers in Turkish provinces and (2) driving distances between Turkish and Syrian residential areas to predict the flows of refugees across Turkish provinces during the study period. We find strong polarization in attitudes towards refugees between the supporters and opponents of the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP). However, regression analyses of monthly survey data suggest that the massive inflow of refugees induced only a modest net drop in support for the AKP. Refugee inflows did not have a significant impact on election outcomes during the study period.