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Examines Shakespeare’s role in contemporary cultureThis book deals with Shakespeare’s role in contemporary culture. It looks in detail at the way that Shakespeare’s plays inform modern ideas of cultural value and the work required to make Shakespeare part of modern culture. It is unique in using social policy, anthropology and economics, as well as close readings of the playwright, to show how a text from the past becomes part of contemporary culture and how Shakespeare’s writing informs modern ideas of cultural value. It goes beyond the twentieth-century cultural studies debates that argued the case for and against Shakespeare’s status, to show how he can exist both as a free artistic resource and as a branded product in the cultural marketplace. It will appeal not only to scholars studying Shakespeare, but also to educators and any reader interested in contemporary cultural policy.

This study analyses four new genres of literature and film that have evolved to accommodate and negotiate the changing face of postcolonial Britain since 1990: British Muslim Bildungsromane, gothic tales of postcolonial England, the subcultural urban novel and multicultural British comedy.

Saudi Arabia has emerged as a key middle power, leveraging niche diplomacy to expand its global influence. This study examines how the Kingdom strategically employs mediation, religious diplomacy, humanitarian aid, energy leadership, and sports diplomacy to shape regional and international dynamics. Unlike great powers, middle powers focus on specialized areas where they hold a comparative advantage, allowing them to exert influence despite material constraints. Saudi Arabia’s diplomatic recalibration aligns with its Vision 2030 agenda, prioritizing economic diversification, regional stability, and multilateral engagement. Saudi Arabia enhances its geopolitical significance by positioning itself as a mediator in regional conflicts, reinforcing its religious leadership, investing in sports diplomacy, and maintaining energy dominance. This study contributes to understanding middle power strategies in international relations, highlighting Saudi Arabia’s role as a stabilizing force in an evolving global order.

For at least the past three decades, the sociology of football and its supporter cultures has been responsive to the social issues which have emerged within it. Today, the fact that fans rejoice and protest at overseas purchases of their club means that the time has come for research to reflect on elite-level English football's position in a transnational space. In this context, this article focuses on the football supporters' protests connected to Liverpool FC, centring on the Spirit of Shankly mobilization, and uses Manuel Castells' theories to understand them. The argument that emerges is important for sociologists understanding the contemporary world because it illustrates the connections between local sites around the world, the internet as a tool through which collective action takes place, and discusses what 'power' means in these contexts.

This book explores the Dutch post-colonial migrant experience within the context of a wider European debate. Over 60 years and three generations of migration history is presented, while also surveying an impressive body of post-colonial literature, much of which has never reached an international audience. While other research focuses on one or, at most, two groups, post-colonial migrants are treated here as a distinct analytical category with a unique relationship to the receiving society. After all, over 90 per cent were Dutch citizens before even reaching the Netherlands, as they did in huge waves between 1945 and 1980. Together they constitute 6 per cent of today's Dutch population. So, how did they form their identities? What were relationships with locals like? How have second and third generations responded? Post-Colonial Immigrants and Identity Formations in the Netherlands offers the germane scholarship on one particular country with a particularly rich history to readers worldwide. This title is available in the OAPEN Library - http://www.oapen.org.

On every connnent, everywhere, the main conversation in popular culture is around the issue of reparatory justice. The Caribbean is just a part of this global movement; but, admittedly, it was here in the Caribbean that the framework and the concepts and the principles governing this movement flourished. As the Caribbean world prepares its citizens to be advocates and beneficiaries of social advancement and economic development in the 'long twenty-first century', the still unsettled relationship between historical injustices, persistent poverty and diminishing opportunities looms larger than ever before as a primary obstacle to development. Growing in ademic importance on the outside is the argument that the Caribbean is solely responsible for its development failures and challenges. Emerging from this perspective is that the region's post-independence political leadership has produced 'failed states', and has run out of indigenous energy to drive progress. These arguments reject any historical perspective and locate development shortfalls and frustrations squarely at the feet of the region's political and corporate leadership. The purpose of this conceptual approach is to deny the importance of a legacy of colonial wealth extracetion, ethnic and racial oppression, debilitating imperial governance, and crude infrastural capacity as factors still shaping the region's destiny. This article rehearses why the Caribbean is so involved in the reparatory justice movement and why there is case for Europe to answer. Sur tous les continents, partout, la conversation principale dans la culture populaire porte sur la question de la justice réparatrice. Les Caraïbes ne sont qu'une partie de ce mouvement mondial; mais, certes, c'est ici, dans les Caraïbes, que le cadre, les concepts et les principes régissant ce mouvement ont d'abord été articulés. Alors que le monde des Caraïbes prépare ses citoyens à être des défenseurs et des bénéficiaires du progrès social et du développement économique au cours du «long XXIe siècle», la relation encore instable entre les injustices historiques, la pauvreté persistante et la diminution des opportunités se profile comme un obstacle majeur, au développement. De plus en plus, l'importance académique à l'extérieur est l'argument selon lequel les Caraïbes sont les seules responsables de leurs échecs et défis de développement. Il ressort de cette perspective que la Direction politique de la région après l'indépendance a produit un nombre croissant d'États défaillants et a épuisé l'énergie indigène pour stimuler le progrès. Ces arguments rejettent toute perspective historique et situent clairement les lacunes et les frustrations en matière de développement aux pieds des dirigeants politiques et des entreprises de la région. Le but de cette approche conceptuelle est de nier l'importance d'un héritage d'extraction de richesses coloniales, d'oppression ethnique et raciale, de gouvernance impériale débilitante et de capacités infrastructurelles brutes en tant que facteurs qui façonnent encore le destin de la région. Cet article explique pourquoi les Caraïbes sont si impliquées dans le mouvement de la justice réparatrice et pourquoi l'Europe doit répondre. En todos los continentes, en todas partes, la conversación principal en la cultura popular gira en torno al tema de la justicia reparadora. El Caribe es solo una parte de este movimiento global; pero, es cierto, fue aquí en el Caribe donde se articularon por primera vez el marco, los conceptos y losprincipios que rigen este movimiento. A medida que el mundo caribeño prépara a sus ciudadanos para ser defensores y beneficiarios del avance social y el desarrollo económico en el 'largo siglo XXI', la relación aún inestable entre injusticias históricas, pobreza persistente y oportunidades decrecientes se perfila como un obstáculo principal al desarrollo. Al exterior el argumento de que el Caribe es el único responsable de sus fracasos y desafíos de Desarrollo esta ganando importancia académica. Desde esta perspectiva surge que el liderazgo político posterior a la independencia de la región ha producido un número creciente de \"estados fallidos\" y se ha quedado sin energía indígena para impulsar el progreso. Estos argumentos rechazan cualquier perspectiva histórica y ubican las deficiencias y frustraciones del desarrollo directamente a los pies del liderazgo político y corporativo de la región. El propósito de este enfoque conceptual es negar la importancia de un legado de extracción de riqueza colonial, opresión étnica y racial, gobierno imperial debilitante y capacidad de infraestructura cruda como factores que aún confíguran el destino de la región. Este artículo ensaya por qué el Caribe esta tan involucrado en el movimiento de justicia reparadora y por qué Europa tiene un caso para responder.

Putin's Russia has often been described by foreign observers and the media as the country where conspiracy theories proliferate in public discourse. To a large extent this is true: many Russians believe there is a foreign plot to undermine Russia. Accordingly, they share anti-Western attitudes which, in turn, can be used by the authorities. Russia's long history of antisemitism leads one to ask how it has operated during Putin's years of rule. While many Russians were keen on antisemitic conspiracy theories during the 1990s, after 2000 anti-Jewish animus in the public realm declined. In fact, many high-ranking politicians and journalists caught sharing antisemitic ideas in public have been forced to apologize for their behaviour. This article seeks to explore the peculiarities of antisemitic conspiracy theories within the larger Russian culture of conspiracy after the collapse of communism in 1991.

This book critiques how impoverished communities are represented by politicians, the media, academics and policy makers - and how our understanding of these neighbourhoods is, often misleadingly, shaped by these stories. The alleged behavioural failings of 'poor people' have attracted a great deal of academic and political scrutiny. Spatial inequalities are also well documented and poor neighbourhoods have been extensively researched. However, other spaces have been re-imagined in different ways by politicians, academics, journalists and social reformers. These imagined geographies include exoticised slums, cities being reclaimed by nature, the street and domestic spaces like the kitchen, or even the bedroom. In Their Place highlights how these spaces are represented and how these representations are deployed, manipulating political and media discourses around the individuals and communities who live there. These distortions are often used to keep people in their place by making sure everyone knows where 'the poor' belong. This book will reorient those interested in human geography away from 'deprived neighbourhoods' and back to the foundational spaces where political decisions - and poverty - are made in Britain today.

This article explores the legal precedent of the case of Mandla versus Dowell-Lee (Mandla v Dowell-Lee 1983) to explain how the far right British National Party mobilizes ethnic strategies and specifically the category of “indigenous Britons,“ to turn post-colonial multiculturalism on its head and thereby disavow the realities of a post-industrial, multiracial working class in Britain. The article argues that the historical moment in contemporary Britain is characterized by a shift away from the politics of social class toward collective organization and sentiment based on ethnicity and cultural nationalism. Drawing on ethnographic and historical research, conducted between 1998 and 2000 on the post-industrial Docklands of Southeast London, the article explains an exceptional local area case study, which proves the rule about the growth in influence in the first decade of the twenty-first century of far-right politics in post-industrial urban areas of Britain.