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In January 1995, fighting broke out between Ecuadorian and Peruvian military forces in a remote section of the Amazon. It took more than three years and the interplay of multiple actors and factors to achieve a definitive peace agreement, thus ending what had been the region's oldest unresolved border dispute. This conflict and its resolution provide insights about other unresolved and/or disputed land and sea boundaries which involve almost every country in the Western Hemisphere. Drawing on extensive field research at the time of the dispute and during its aftermath, including interviews with high-ranking diplomats and military officials,Power, Institutions, and Leadership in War and Peaceis the first book-length study to relate this complex border dispute and its resolution to broader theories of conflict. The findings emphasize an emerging leadership approach in which individuals are not mere captives of power and institutions. In addition, the authors illuminate an overlap in national and international arenas in shaping effective articulation, perception, and selection of policy. In the \"new\" democratic Latin America that emerged in the late 1970s through the early 1990s, historical memory remains influential in shaping the context of disputes, in spite of presumed U.S. post-Cold War influence. This study offers important, broader perspectives on a hemisphere still rife with boundary disputes as a rising number of people and products (including arms) pass through these borderlands.

In January 1995, fighting broke out between Ecuadorian and Peruvian military forces in a remote section of the Amazon. It took more than three years and the interplay of multiple actors and factors to achieve a definitive peace agreement, thus ending what had been the region's oldest unresolved border dispute. This conflict and its resolution provide insights about other unresolved and/or disputed land and sea boundaries which involve almost every country in the Western Hemisphere. Drawing on extensive field research at the time of the dispute and during its aftermath, including interviews with high-ranking diplomats and military officials, Power, Institutions, and Leadership in War and Peace is the first book-length study to relate this complex border dispute and its resolution to broader theories of conflict. The findings emphasize an emerging leadership approach in which individuals are not mere captives of power and institutions. In addition, the authors illuminate an overlap in national and international arenas in shaping effective articulation, perception, and selection of policy. In the “new” democratic Latin America that emerged in the late 1970s through the early 1990s, historical memory remains influential in shaping the context of disputes, in spite of presumed U.S. post–Cold War influence. This study offers important, broader perspectives on a hemisphere still rife with boundary disputes as a rising number of people and products (including arms) pass through these borderlands.

Crabtree and Durand explore how the Peruvian elite and foreign mining interests have been able to entrench their position and marginalise the left, even as leftist governments have risen to power elsewhere on the continent.

Why do some Indigenous communities experience assimilation while others obtain government protection for their long-standing institutions and cultures? I argue that historical experiences with state-led labor conscription play a key role. In the early twentieth century, Latin American governments conscripted unpaid Indigenous labor to build infrastructure. Community leaders threatened by this conscription were more likely to mobilize their communities to resist it. The mobilization of this collective action later empowered community leaders to achieve state protections for Indigenous institutions and cultures, or “accommodation.” I test this argument using a natural experiment where communities’ eligibility for labor conscription to build a 1920s Peruvian highway was as-if randomly assigned. I develop a measure of accommodation that considers both the existence and enforcement of laws protecting Indigenous institutions and cultures. I evaluate the mechanisms using data on Indigenous mobilization. The findings demonstrate how historical extraction shaped contemporary Indigenous–state relations.

How does the execution of horizontal accountability mechanisms affect cabinet members’ instability? This article analyzes distinct features of no-confidence motions (NCMs) in presidential systems, using a mixed-method research design that identifies elements of legislative control mechanisms in Peruvian and Colombian polities. Although the congress in presidential systems rarely approves NCMs, high salience policy shocks trigger their proposal, resulting in the dismissal or resignation of the cabinet member in question. Those results are subtle opportunities for opposition legislators to indicate the incompetence of the incumbent government in particular policy areas. This study contributes to understanding how contextual factors affect the effectiveness of the check and balance principle in presidential systems.

In the pre-Columbian Andes, the use of hallucinogens during the Formative period (900–300 BC) often supported exclusionary political strategies, whereas, during the Late Horizon (AD 1450–1532), Inca leaders emphasised corporate strategies via the mass consumption of alcohol. Using data from Quilcapampa, the authors argue that a shift occurred during the Middle Horizon (AD 600–1000), when beer made from Schinus molle was combined with the hallucinogen Anadenanthera colubrina. The resulting psychotropic experience reinforced the power of the Wari state, and represents an intermediate step between exclusionary and corporate political strategies. This Andean example adds to the global catalogue documenting the close relationship between hallucinogens and social power.

The present article, placed within the epistemological framework of Political Communication, analyses citizens’ reaction to politicians’ messages on the social network Twitter during the presidential elections in Argentina, Peru, Ecuador, Honduras, and Chile, held between 2015 and 2017. Through a script developed for the present research, almost 200,000 tweets have been studied according to the following questions: What are citizens’ emotional reactions to the messages of presidential candidates? Does digital public opinion analysis have a predictive nature from the electoral point of view? As a result, we note the existence of “sympathy currents” and “antipathy currents” on social media, where positive emotions prevail, especially towards candidates on the right side of the ideological spectrum, with progressive politicians generating a higher anger and sadness index than conservative ones. Similarly, emotions on social media largely correlate to the subsequent electoral result.

PurposeDuring the COVID-19 pandemic, Local Educational Management Units (UGELs), the key government stakeholders in the provision of education services in Peru, implemented responsive interventions. This paper analyses the relationship between UGEL organisational resilience and their responses during this period.Design/methodology/approachA survey was conducted to measure UGEL management practices, with 251 valid responses from directors and managers. Based on organisational resilience theory, 67 questions were grouped into 13 factors and 3 components: (1) leadership and organisational culture, (2) preparation for change, and (3) networks building on the Organisational Resilience Index (ORI). These factors correlated with the number of interventions and the impact of those interventions implemented by UGELs.FindingsThe findings indicated that of all ORI components, leadership and organisational culture ranked the highest. Moreover, the ORI is positively associated with the number of interventions and the perceived impact produced by those interventions. Interestingly, it was found that when the gender variable is included in the correlation between the ORI and the number of interventions, women leading UGELs display a higher number of interventions than their male counterparts; and the coefficient increases even more when women lead a UGEL in a more challenging context (i.e., when the UGEL is located in a low-income area and operates under scarce resources).Originality/valueThis is the first study in Peru which analyses organisational resilience in the education sector, specifically about UGELs during the COVID-19 pandemic. It may help set priorities for institutional strengthening initiatives aimed at improving organisational resilience, which is particularly important in such uncertain and changing contexts.

In this paper, I revisit the concept of “neoliberal populism” as it was employed to describe the peculiarities of Peru’s market reforms under Alberto Fujimori’s government in the 1990s. Political scientists have argued that Fujimori’s reforms challenged the conventional opposition between profligate populist politics and austere neoliberal reforms. While I agree that populism was central to Peru’s path to neoliberalism, I contend that this interpretation remains incomplete. By locating the populist element solely in Fujimori’s political style, scholars assumed that the neoliberal content constituted a predefined policy package imported from abroad that merely found a receptive host in domestic populism. Through careful examination of neoliberal intellectual history and Peru’s political processes in the 1980s, I offer an alternative reading that foregrounds internal political and intellectual dynamics on the emergence of an economic populist argument crucial to Peruvian neoliberalism. I analyze the intellectual articulation around Hernando de Soto’s ideas on a capitalist revolution predicated in the entrepreneurial energies of the informal economy. While De Soto has been studied primarily as an enabler of Washington Consensus reforms, I argue that his arguments—in terms of both substance and rhetoric—emerged from Peru’s specific political and ideological conditions in the 1980s, particularly the significant though brief ascendancy of left-wing populism. Through a historical reconstruction based on extensive archival research, I demonstrate that De Soto’s arguments were shaped by the interaction between international neoliberal influences, previous local neoliberal traditions, and a large repertoire of participatory, cooperative, bottom-up economic utopias that the Peruvian Left had developed since the 1970s. De Soto successfully rechanneled these elements toward a reimagined neoliberalism, one that eschewed fiscal and monetary “macroeconomic populism” but embraced “microeconomic populism” based on promises around property ownership and financialized futures.

From the moment it launched its armed insurgency in 1980 until the death of its former leader in September 2021, Peru’s Shining Path mesmerized observers. The Maoist group had a well-established reputation as a personality cult whose members were fanatically devoted to Abimael Guzmán, the messianic leader they revered as “Presidente Gonzalo.” According to this narrative, referred to here as the “Gonzalo mystique,” Shining Path zealots were prepared to submit to Guzmán’s authority and will—no matter how violent or suicidal—because they viewed him as a messiah-prophet who would usher in a new era of communist utopia. Drawing on newly available sources, including the minutes of Shining Path’s 1988–1989 congress, this article complicates the Gonzalo mystique narrative, tracing the unrelenting efforts by middle- and high-ranking militants to challenge, undermine, disobey, and even unseat Guzmán throughout the insurgency. Far from seeing their leader as the undisputed cosmocrat of the popular imagination, these militants recognized Guzmán for who he was: a deeply flawed man with errant ideas, including a dubious interpretation of Maoism, problematic military strategy, and a revolutionary path that was anything but shining. Desde el inicio de la lucha armada en 1980 hasta la muerte de su jefe máximo en septiembre de 2021, Sendero Luminoso ha llamado la atención a observadores tantos peruanos como internacionales. El grupo maoísta tenía una bien establecida reputación como un culto a la personalidad cuyos miembros eran fanáticamente devotos a su líder mesiánico, Abimael Guzmán, desde entonces conocido como el “Presidente Gonzalo.” Según esta narrativa, la cual llamaríamos la “mística Gonzalo,” los fanáticos senderistas eran dispuestos a someterse a cualquier acto violento o suicido para satisfacer los autoritarios impulsos del líder Guzmán, ya que a éste lo consideraban un mesías-profeta que les guiaría a una nueva utopía comunista. Este artículo se base en nuevas fuentes, entre ellas las actas del Primer Congreso senderista de 1988–1989, para así complicar la mística Gonzalo. Detalla los infatigables intentos, de parte los senderistas de medio-alto y alto rango, de desafiar, socavar, desobedecer, y hasta derribar al jefe de partido durante la lucha armada. Lejos de verlo como el cosmócrata de la opinión popular, estos militantes reconocían quién era de verdad: un defectuoso hombre con ideas errantes, un equivocado concepto del maoísmo, una problemática estrategia militar, y un sendero revolucionario que era lejos de luminoso.