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"Political participation Argentina."
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Non-policy politics : richer voters, poorer voters, and the diversification of electoral strategies
\"Political parties can select the policies they offer, but have different reputations for competence, unequal capacity to mobilize activists, and different resources to deliver pork and patronage. These are crucial non-policy resources shaping their electoral success. We show how these non-policy resources also shape parties' ideological positions and which type of electoral offers they target to poorer or richer voters. Hence, non-policy politics shapes both electoral success and which voters get what. We describe how the book assesses voters' non-policy preferences with detailed survey and administrative data from Argentina and Chile, including a novel methodology for measuring partisan networks, and how those preferences shapes parties policy and non-policy offers\"-- Provided by publisher.
Book
The Right to the City
Based on extensive, original fieldwork, as well as new survey
data, The Right to the City contributes to the study of
democratization by focusing on the dilemmas and opportunities of
popular contention in the city of Buenos Aires. It also offers an
excellent overview of the history of social mobilization in
Argentina. Gabriela Ippolito-O'Donnell's main assertion in this
study is that through various channels of collective action and
associational activities, as well as by voting, the urban popular
sector is a fundamental actor in the pursuit of the expansion and
consolidation of citizenship rights. Using both qualitative
analysis and quantitative data, Ippolito-O'Donnell explores what
factors-economic, politico-institutional, organizational, and
subjective-account for the emergence in the 1980s, and collapse in
the 1990s, of a wave of grassroots popular organizations in Villa
Lugano, a poor neighborhood located in the south of Buenos Aires.
She identifies factors crucial for explaining the organizational
weakness and concomitant cyclical patterns of collective action by
the urban poor, as well as the consequences for alleviating poverty
and inequality in this newly democratized nation.
eBook
Socio-political dynamics within the crisis of the left : Argentina and Brazil
\"This collection studies the gestation of the crisis of the left turn consensus dominant in Argentina and Brazil for the past 15 years and the emerging socio-political dynamics developing in this particular context of change\"-- Provided by publisher.
Book
Deepening Local Democracy in Latin America
The resurgence of the Left in Latin America over the past decade has been so notable that it has been called “the Pink Tide.” In recent years, regimes with leftist leaders have risen to power in Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Ecuador, El Salvador, Nicaragua, Uruguay, and Venezuela. What does this trend portend for the deepening of democracy in the region? Benjamin Goldfrank has been studying the development of participatory democracy in Latin America for many years, and this book represents the culmination of his empirical investigations in Brazil, Uruguay, and Venezuela. In order to understand why participatory democracy has succeeded better in some countries than in others, he examines the efforts in urban areas that have been undertaken in the cities of Porto Alegre, Montevideo, and Caracas. His findings suggest that success is related, most crucially, to how nationally centralized political authority is and how strongly institutionalized the opposition parties are in the local arenas.
eBook
What Wins Votes: Why Some Politicians Opt Out of Clientelism
In a context where clientelism is widespread, why do some politicians choose not to condition the delivery of goods and services to citizens on individual political behavior? I argue that the answer to this question lies in the heretofore unexamined electoral costs of clientelism: clientelism decreases support from nonpoor constituents even while it generates votes from among the poor. Taking into account these costs and other factors that shape politician incentives, I posit that the interaction between political competition and poverty will explain variation in clientelism. I test this claim using an original measure of clientelism that assesses mayoral involvement in social policy implementation in Argentine municipalities. The results of statistical analysis suggest that high levels of political competition are compatible with clientelism when poverty is also high. Only when high competition is coupled with low rates of poverty does clientelism decline.
Journal Article
Participatory clientelism: A socio-spatial approach to popular politics in Buenos Aires
What is the relationship between clientelism and political participation in popular urban neighborhoods? This article addresses the question based on qualitative research in two popular neighborhoods of Buenos Aires, drawing on participant observation and interviews with residents, activists, and party brokers. Adding to a growing literature on “participatory clientelism,” we argue for greater attention to the urban context through which this unfolds. To date, research into participatory clientelism has predominantly considered specific practices—participatory innovations or contentious politics—and been limited to the survival of the urban poor and the demand for political support by party brokers. While these are crucial practices, they are not exhaustive of the relations that sustain participatory clientelism, particularly in contexts of territorialized politics. Based on the socio-spatial approach of Henri Lefebvre, influential in urban studies, we define three interconnected dimensions of participatory clientelism and identify them in the cases under study.
Journal Article
Everyday revolutions
Daring and groundbreaking, Marina Sitrin explores how an economic crisis in Argentina spurred a people's rebellion, leading to new forms of social organization and providing an instructive example for activists the world over.
eBook
Transaction Costs and the Perceived Effectiveness of Complex Institutional Systems
This article studies factors affecting how policy actors perceive the effectiveness of political institutions involved in complex water governance systems. The ecology of games framework argues that participants are more likely to perceive institutions as effective when the benefits of solving collective action problems outweigh the transaction costs of developing political contracts within these institutions. The authors hypothesize that transaction costs are a function of conflict, type of participation, political knowledge, scientific knowledge, and actor resources. Survey results suggest that the importance of these different sources of transaction costs varies across study sites in the Tampa Bay watershed in Florida, the Sacramento–San Joaquin River delta in California, and the Paraná River delta in Argentina. Based on the observed differences, some initial ideas are sketched about the evolution of complex governance systems from fairly simple and informal rules and networks to well-established tapestries of many formal institutions.
Journal Article
Environment and Citizenship in Latin America
Scholarship related to environmental questions in Latin America has only recently begun to coalesce around citizenship as both an empirical site of inquiry and an analytical frame of reference. This has led to a series of new insights and perspectives, but few efforts have been made to bring these various approaches into a sustained conversation across different social, temporal and geographic contexts. This volume is the result of a collaborative endeavour to advance debates on environmental citizenship, while simultaneously and systematically addressing broader theoretical and methodological questions related to the particularities of studying environment and citizenship in Latin America. Providing a window onto leading scholarship in the field, the book also sets an ambitious agenda to spark further research.
eBook
Participation as a Safety Valve
The institutionalization of community participation in the context of policing has become increasingly common in Latin America as a means of addressing the seemingly intractable increase in crime and insecurity. The creation of formal spaces for community participation in security differs markedly from how police forces have historically operated. Moreover, opening spaces for citizen input and oversight could potentially limit an executive’s control over the police, an important political tool. Why, then, do politicians sometimes turn to “participatory security” when reforming the police? This article argues that politicians choose participation as a safety valve to disaggregate societal discontent, particularly when police-society relations are fractious and police capacity and resources are low. Drawing on qualitative evidence from Buenos Aires Province, São Paulo State, and Colombia, this study demonstrates that participation can serve a range of strategic purposes, which, in turn, shape the institutional design of the participatory mechanism.
Journal Article