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"Political parties Québec (Province)"
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The national question and electoral politics in Quebec and Scotland
\"In Quebec and Scotland, questions of constitutional change, national identity, and national grievance play an important role in the electoral calculations of political parties and voters. Taking a strong stance on the national question can have strategic benefits both for parties pushing for greater autonomy and for those endorsing the status quo. In this in-depth look at issue voting, authors Éric Bélanger, Richard Nadeau, Ailsa Henderson, and Eve Hepburn examine how the national question affects political parties and voter behaviour in both substate nations. Through party manifestos, interviews with legislators, and opinion survey data, this book demonstrates that calls for constitutional change influence political debate, competition, voter choice, and the outcome of elections not only within Quebec and Scotland but also across Canada and the United Kingdom. Minority nationalist parties, the authors show, can gain support by claiming ownership of issues with widespread public agreement, such as self-determination and protecting the identity and interests of the nation. A comprehensive analysis of recent electoral politics, The National Question and Electoral Politics in Quebec and Scotland greatly enhances our understanding of the electoral impact of substate nationalism.\"-- Provided by publisher.
Book
La Coalition Avenir Québec. Une idéologie à la recherche du pouvoir
À l’aube de l’élection générale de 2018, la Coalition Avenir Québec (CAQ) semble en mesure de sortir de sa situation de tiers parti. À défaut de former le gouvernement, elle pourrait aussi devenir l’opposition officielle. Or, fréquemment décrite comme de centre droite, la CAQ demeure une formation politique dont de nombreux aspects restent inconnus. C’est pourquoi cet ouvrage propose une radioscopie de l’idéologie avancée par la formation menée par François Legault. Symptomatique des changements affectant l’évolution de la politique québécoise depuis les années 2000, la CAQ est un parti qui propose des orientations politiques qui l’inscrivent dans l’univers de la droite politique, mais qui sont modérées par une dose d’étatisme. Cet examen permettra également de revenir sur l’évolution du parti quant à ses positions sur les questions nationales et identitaires, tout en examinant celle, controversée, du populisme qui rejaillit fréquemment pour caractériser le parti.
eBook
Canada Among Nations, 2006
Contributors include Marie Bernard-Meunier (Atlantik Brücke), David Black (Dalhousie), Adam Chapnick (Toronto), Ann Denholm Crosby (York), Roy Culpeper (The North-South Institute), Christina Gabriel (Carleton), John Kirton (Toronto), Wenran Jiang (Alberta), David Malone (Foreign Affairs Canada), Nelson Michaud (École nationale d'administration publique), Isidro Morales (School for International Service), Christopher Sands (Center for Strategic and International Studies), Daniel Schwanen (The Centre for International Governance Innovation), Yasmine Shamsie (Wilfrid Laurier), Elinor Sloan (Carleton), Andrew F. Cooper (The Centre for International Governance Innovation), and Dane Rowlands (The Norman Paterson School of International Affairs)
eBook
Liberal Leaders and Liberal Success: The Impact of Alternation
A leader from Quebec boosts the fortunes of the Liberal party in that province. This, in turn, has helped make Quebec the veto player in twentieth-century Canadian elections and the Liberals the “natural” governing party. Although Quebec is no longer as critical as before, a leader from the province still makes a big difference. Full impact from the pattern requires more than one election to unfold. Patterns outside Quebec are similar, if fainter: the Liberal party is not punished for choosing a Quebecker and may even be helped. The early success of the pattern moved the Liberals to alternate between Quebec and non-Quebec leaders, such that the party is now led by a Quebecker more often than not. Maintaining alternation has never been easy and is only getting harder. Un chef du Québec favorise le sort du Parti libéral dans cette province. Cela a contribué à son tour à faire du Québec le joueur de veto aux élections canadiennes du XXe siècle et des libéraux le parti ayant « naturellement » vocation à gouverner. Bien que le Québec ne soit plus aussi critique qu'avant, un leader de la province marque toujours une grande différence. Le plein impact de la tendance nécessite plus d'une élection pour se déployer. À l'extérieur du Québec, les tendances sont semblables, quoique plus faibles : le Parti libéral n'est pas puni pour avoir choisi un Québécois et peut même être aidé. Le succès initial de ce modèle a incité les libéraux à alterner entre des chefs québécois et non québécois, de sorte que le parti est maintenant dirigé le plus souvent par un Québécois. Le maintien de l'alternance n'a jamais été facile et ne fait que se compliquer.
Journal Article
The Rise and Fall of Adrien Arcand: Antisemitism in 20th Century Quebec
Leader of the National Social Christian Party from 1934 to 1938, and of the National Unity Party of Canada from 1938 to 1967, Adrien Arcand is reputed to be the most virulent antisemitic propagandist in Canadian history. In publications he disseminated between 1929 and 1939 (Le Goglu, Le Miroir, Le Chameau, Le Patriote, Le Fasciste canadien, and Le Combat national), Arcand drew on The Protocols of the Elders of Zion for his vilification of the Jewish people. Arrested in 1940 and imprisoned for the duration of the Second World War, he regained his freedom in 1945 and was able to resume his campaign of hateful propaganda against Jews with the full knowledge of the Canadian authorities. From which sources did Arcand draw his antisemitism, and how did he become the champion of antisemitism in Canada? This article attempts to explain this dark and enigmatic character.
Journal Article
The variable choice set logit model applied to the 2004 Canadian election
Formal work on the electoral model often suggests that parties should locate at the electoral mean. Recent research has found no evidence of such convergence. In order to explain non-convergence, the stochastic electoral model is extended by including a competence and sociodemographic valance in a country where regional and national parties compete in the election. That is, the model allows voters to face different sets of parties in different regions. We introduce the notion of a convergence coefficient, c for regional and national parties and show that when c is high there is a significant centrifugal tendency acting on parties. An electoral survey of the 2004 election in Canada is used to construct a stochastic electoral model of the election with two regions: Québec and the rest of Canada. The survey allows us to estimate voter positions in the policy space. The variable choice set logit model is used to built a relationship between party position and vote share. We find that in the local Nash equilibrium for the election the two main parties with high competence valence, the Liberals and Conservatives, locate at the national electoral mean and the Bloc Québécois, with the highest competence valence, locates at the Québec electoral mean. The New Democratic Party has a low competence valence but remains at the national mean. The Greens, with lowest competence valence, locate away from the national mean to increase its vote share.
Journal Article
Federalism, Citizenship and Quebec
Canadians often imagine their country as a multicultural democracy, while a few go further to claim that the country's diversity can be characterized as multinational in its social and institutional make-up. In Federalism, Citizenship, and Quebec, Alain-G. Gagnon and Raffaele Iacovino reveal how this notion has been falsely presented to the populace. Through comprehensive historical, contemporary, and critical accounts, they argue that the country has been the object of an aggressive nationalizing project that contravenes the principles of a 'multinational federation.' Gagnon and Iacovino defend a conception of diverse citizenship for Canada that is truly suitable to a durable and just constitutional association and provide an alternative path for the country based on normative, socio-political, and practical considerations associated with multinational democracy.
Including a detailed account of the main challenges associated with Quebec's place in the federation, Federalism, Citizenship, and Quebec stands apart from other English-language studies on multinational democracy, citizenship, and federalism, and, most notably, multinational democracy in Canada. Gagnon and Iacovino ground their work in both history and theory, offering a truly interdisciplinary approach that will appeal to scholars from fields as diverse as Canadian and Quebec politics, comparative politics, and political and legal theory. The book will contribute to awareness of the need for appreciating diversity in contemporary societies while being a useful addition to English Canadian students in these fields, who often lack exposure to many of the rich debates proceeding in Quebec.
eBook
The Development of Dual Loyalties: Immigrants' Integration to Canadian Regional Dynamics
The transformations in recent patterns of immigration have the potential to reshape the trajectory of Canada's regional political dynamics. Drawing on data from the 1993–2006 Canadian Election Studies, this analysis explores how immigrants adjust to the prevailing regional political norms in Quebec, Ontario, Alberta and British Columbia. Do newcomers adopt the political orientations (feelings towards Canada and their province, confidence in provincial and federal governments, perceptions about how the province is treated by the federal government and support for the Liberal party) that resemble those of their native-born provincial counterparts? The results suggest that immigrants, especially newer waves from non-traditional source countries, tend to develop orientations that are more federally oriented than the local populations in their province. This tendency is most pronounced in Quebec where both groups of immigrants from traditional and non-traditional source countries internalize political grievances and norms less efficiently than their counterparts in other provinces. Résumé. Les transformations récentes des tendances migratoires pourraient avoir un impact sur l'évolution des dynamiques politiques régionales au Canada. Cette enquête s'appuie sur les données de sondage de l'Étude électorale canadienne de 1993 à 2006 et vise à déterminer si les immigrants adoptent les attitudes et les comportements politiques dominants de leur province de résidence (Québec, Ontario, Alberta et Colombie-Britannique). Les immigrants adoptent-ils des attitudes et des comportements politiques (attachement au Canada et à la province de résidence, confiance envers les gouvernements fédéral et provincial, perception du traitement réservé par le gouvernement fédéral à la province de résidence et appui au Parti libéral du Canada) qui ressemblent à ceux des populations locales de leur province? Les résultats de l'enquête suggèrent que les immigrants, surtout ceux d'origines dites non traditionnelles, ont tendance à développer des comportements et des attitudes politiques plus orientés vers le gouvernement fédéral que ceux affichés dans leur province. Cette tendance est particulièrement marquée au Québec où les immigrants, tant d'origines traditionnelles que non traditionnelles, semblent assimiler moins efficacement que les immigrants des autres provinces les griefs et les normes politiques de la population provinciale.
Journal Article
The Politics of Intergovernmental Grants in Canada: The Case of the Canada-Quebec Infrastructure Works 2000 Program
In this article, we present the findings of a study on the electoral use of intergovernmental grants for municipal infrastructure. The study adds to the body of work on redistributive politics by showing that both federal and provincial governments use intergovernmental grants for electoral purposes. The study also shows that grant distribution seems to be skewed toward electoral districts hold by governing party and by legislators who are influential in their party because they have more seniority or they fill ministerial positions. Therefore, this finding does not match the predictions of McGillivray's model according to which in a political system like Canada's, grant distribution would benefit to swing districts.
Journal Article