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Background Bangladesh has the highest natural disaster mortality rate in the world, with over half a million people lost to disaster events since 1970. Most of these people have died during floods or cyclones, both of which are likely to become more frequent due to global climate change. To date, the government’s post-disaster response strategy has focused, increasingly effectively, on the physical needs of survivors, through the provision of shelter, food and medical care. However, the serious and widespread mental health consequences of natural disasters in Bangladesh have not yet received the attention that they deserve. This Debate article proposes a practical model that will facilitate the provision of comprehensive and effective post-disaster mental health services for vulnerable Bangladeshis on a sustainable basis. Discussion A series of socially determined factors render the women and the poor of Bangladesh particularly vulnerable to dying in natural disasters; and, for those who survive, to suffering from some sort of disaster-related mental health illness. For women, this is largely due to the enforced gender separation, or purdah , that they endure; while for the poor, it is the fact that they are, by definition, only able to afford to live in the most climatically dangerous, and under-served parts of the country. Although the disasters themselves are brought by nature, therefore, social determinants increase the vulnerability of particular groups to mental illness as a result of them. While deeply entrenched, these determinants are at least partially amenable to change through policy and action. Summary In response to the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami, the World Health Organisation developed a framework for providing mental health and psychosocial support after major disasters, which, we argue, could be adapted to Bangladeshi post-cyclone and post-flood contexts. The framework is community-based, it includes both medical and non-clinical components, and it could be adapted so that women and the poor are actively sought out and provided for. After training, these services could be run by Bangladesh’s pre-existing 50,000-strong Cyclone Preparedness Programme workforce, alongside the country’s extensive network of community-based health workers.

This report is organized in such a way that the key policy options and strategic priorities are based on the country context, including the burden of non-communicable diseases (NCDs) and associated risk factors and the existing capacity of the health system. Chapter one describes the country and regional contexts and the evidence of the demographic and epidemiological transitions in Bangladesh; chapter two outlines the disease burden of major NCDs, including the equity and economic impact and the common risk factors; chapter three provides an assessment of the health system and its capacity to prevent and control major NCDs; chapter four summarizes ongoing NCD interventions and activities in Bangladesh and highlights the remaining gaps and challenges; and chapter five presents key policy options and strategic priorities to prevent and control NCDs.

Background The aim of this study is to assess the current status of non-communicable disease (NCD) risk factors amongst adolescents in Bangladesh. We also critically reviewed the existing policy responses to NCD risk among adolescents in Bangladesh. Methods This study used a mixed method approach. To quantify the NCD risk burden, we used data from the Global School-based Student Health Survey conducted in Bangladesh. To understand policy response, we reviewed NCD-related policy documents introduced by the Government of Bangladesh between 1971 and 2018 using the WHO recommended NCD Action Plan 2013–2020as study framework. Information from the policy documents was extracted using a matrix, mapping each document against the six objectives of the WHO 2013–2020 Action Plan. Results Almost all adolescents in Bangladesh had at least one NCD risk factor, and there was a high prevalence of concurrent multiple NCD risk factors; 14% had one NCD risk factor while 22% had two, 29% had three, 34% had four or more NCD risk factors. Out of 38 policy documents, eight (21.1%) were related to research and/or surveys, eight (21.1%) were on established policies, and eleven (29%) were on legislation acts. Three policy documents (7.9%) were related to NCD guidelines and eight (21.1%) were strategic planning which were introduced by the government and non-government agencies/institutes in Bangladesh. Conclusions The findings emphasize the needs for strengthening NCD risk factors surveillance and introducing appropriate intervention strategies targeted to adolescents. Despite the Government of Bangladesh introducing several NCD-related policies and programs, the government also needs more focus on clear planning, implementation and monitoring and evaluation approaches to preventing NCD risk factors among the adolescents in Bangladesh.

The study aims to consider the impact of economy, trade openness (TRD), political stability (POS), financial development (FD), and urbanization (URB) on the energy demand (ENU) of Bangladesh. Several techniques, including the ARDL bound test for cointegration, DOLS, FMOLS, and CCR, were used to check how changes in independent factors impacted the dependent parameter. The ARDL findings indicate a considerable encouraging correlation among GDP expansion, political stability, trade openness, urbanization, and ENU. A 1% rise in GDP, POS, TRD, and URB causes a long-term rise in energy utilization of 0.327%, 0.817%, 1.166%, and 1.775%, respectively. In contrast, the increase in FD has a substantial favorable correlation with ENU, with energy use anticipated to decrease by 0.192% in the long term for every 1% upsurge in FD. The reliability of the findings is further validated by multiple estimators, including FMOLS, DOLS, and CCR. The Pairwise Granger Causality assessment was adopted to show the causal connection among many components. The analysis advocates for the establishment of regulatory initiatives to encourage energy efficiency, enhance the use of green power, and invest in sustainable trade and urban planning to reduce energy use and attain sustainable cities and environments in Bangladesh.

Long-term development and pollution clean-up plans are a continuing feature of megacities such as Dhaka, Bangladesh. Bangladesh needs to deal with a legacy of past pollution and manage current pollution from a rapidly expanding economy. Surveys in the rivers around Dhaka show extremely high pollution and very low dissolved oxygen levels, with subsequent ecological impacts. Millions of people are not on public treatment of effluents and thousands of factories discharge into the rivers. The Bangladesh Government is planning to install over 12 large Sewage Treatment Plants (STPs) over the next 20 years. To assess the efficacy of these, a water quality model has been applied to the Dhaka River System. Results show that the proposed plan has beneficial effects in the short term for the most densely populated areas of Dhaka, along the Turag and Buriganga Rivers, and in the medium term in other parts of the city (Tongi Khal). However, in several reaches dissolved oxygen levels will remain low or very low due to the lack of STP capacity, remaining misconnections of untreated sewage and large effluent loads. The proposed STPs, while certainly beneficial, will need to be upgraded in the future if the predicted rates of population growth are confirmed and industrial pollution is not significantly reduced alongside. Climate change is expected to have an impact on the Dhaka River System water quality, with increased monsoon flows and lower summer flows, but these changes will not greatly affect the extremes of water quality to any great extent due to the overwhelming impact of pollutant discharges into the system.

In the context of flood research, scholars and practitioners have recognised that Western-knowledge-driven engineering-based flood management techniques are insufficient for successful water use and management in urban design and planning practices, while ideas, practices, and knowledge from local people are essential. Traditional water knowledge (TWK) explains people’s profound understanding of natural processes and the ecological dependencies of water systems and connections with their local water system and the land, beliefs, sense, and practices that are an integral part of their culture. However, the concept of traditional knowledge may differ from scientific knowledge, as it represents a different worldview perspective from a modern Westernised world. Considering Khulna City, Bangladesh, as a case, this paper investigates the salient challenges and opportunities to integrate TWK with present urban design and planning practices. Interviews were conducted with key stakeholders, including relevant government officials, NGO workers, researchers, urban professionals, and local elders. This study finds that TWK can contribute to urban design and planning practices by identifying helpful ecosystem services and site-specific information; by sharing strategies for surface water protection, open-space design, and rainwater harvesting; and encouraging design of spaces for psychological benefit, and ensuring sustainability and building flood resilience in an urban context. Furthermore, this research demonstrates how these elements relate to the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). However, issues with knowledge transmission, the identification of the actual knowledge holders, poor governance, weak urban planning, minimal institutional capacity, and perceived cultural inferiority are significant challenges restricting the integration of TWK, despite its relevance to sustainability. This paper suggests that considering traditional water use and management is necessary to develop flood resilience in an urban context in a sustainable way.

Seasonal hunger induced by agricultural seasonality is often a characteristic feature of rural poverty. The evidence of seasonal distress in many agrarian societies can be found in the narratives of economic historians. With agricultural diversification made possible through technological breakthroughs in many parts of the developing world, the severity of seasonal stress and adversities has been reduced considerably, if not altogether eliminated. In certain agricultural settings, however, the seasonality of poverty and hunger, along with the associated seasonal shortfalls in income and consumption, is still a policy quagmire. The problem gets more complicated when agricultural seasonality is locked into a cycle of endemic poverty, seasonal hunger, and risk of further impoverishment. Poverty and seasonality may also reinforce each other through various other forces that create and sustain both. The thrust of policy needs to be to break this interlocking cycle of poverty and seasonality. The book has nine chapters. Chapter two looks at the key conceptual issues and presents a global perspective on the challenge of addressing seasonal hunger. Chapter three brings Bangladesh's reality to the fore regarding seasonal poverty and food insecurity and the vulnerability of the northwest region. Chapter four analyzes the vulnerability of households to seasonal hunger, their coping strategies, and the extent to which income seasonality affects seasonal poverty and food deprivation. Chapter five reports some findings for both the Rangpur region and the country as a whole regarding the effects of policies and programs on poverty and food deprivation. The findings reported in the next three chapters are mainly related to the Rangpur region only. Chapter six examines the issue of seasonal migration in the context of mitigating seasonal deprivation. In chapter seven, the impact of the social safety-net programs is tested, whereas the effectiveness of microfinance is assessed in chapter eight. The concluding chapter, chapter nine, looks at the policy implications while also pointing to some emerging challenges.

PurposeThis paper aims to assess the performance of achieving the targets of Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) by aligning with the recent initiatives taken by different ministries and divisions in Bangladesh. It also examines the institutional challenges associated with the implementation of SDGs.Design/methodology/approachBoth primary and secondary data were analysed by applying different techniques. The initiatives taken by various ministries and divisions of Bangladesh resonated partially with 84 targets of SDGs.FindingsAmbiguous mandates of different ministries and divisions have caused overlapping jurisdiction, followed by conflicts of interest and lack of cohesion. Inaccurate stakeholder analysis, data unavailability, lack of competency and accountability, and a top-down policy approach can be considered as the major institutional bottlenecks in achieving SDGs.Originality/valueThis paper advocates revising the map to incorporate the right stakeholders to avoid erroneous monitoring, evaluation, and finally, inaccurate reporting. The reallocation of business for ministries and divisions is warranted to abolish jurisdictional overlapping and conflict of interests and make SDGs friendly. Despite the COVID-19 pandemic recession, Bangladesh may be able to multiply its achievement with the same resources and efforts by addressing those drawbacks.

To conduct assessments of Ebola virus disease preparedness in countries of the World Health Organization (WHO) South-East Asia Region. Nine of 11 countries in the region agreed to be assessed. During February to November 2015 a joint team from WHO and ministries of health conducted 4-5 day missions to Bangladesh, Bhutan, Indonesia, Maldives, Myanmar, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Thailand and Timor-Leste. We collected information through guided discussions with senior technical leaders and visits to hospitals, laboratories and airports. We assessed each country's Ebola virus disease preparedness on 41 tasks under nine key components adapted from the WHO Ebola preparedness checklist of January 2015. Political commitment to Ebola preparedness was high in all countries. Planning was most advanced for components that had been previously planned or tested for influenza pandemics: multilevel and multisectoral coordination; multidisciplinary rapid response teams; public communication and social mobilization; drills in international airports; and training on personal protective equipment. Major vulnerabilities included inadequate risk assessment and risk communication; gaps in data management and analysis for event surveillance; and limited capacity in molecular diagnostic techniques. Many countries had limited planning for a surge of Ebola cases. Other tasks needing improvement included: advice to inbound travellers; adequate isolation rooms; appropriate infection control practices; triage systems in hospitals; laboratory diagnostic capacity; contact tracing; and danger pay to staff to ensure continuity of care. Joint assessment and feedback about the functionality of Ebola virus preparedness systems help countries strengthen their core capacities to meet the International Health Regulations.