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In January 1995, fighting broke out between Ecuadorian and Peruvian military forces in a remote section of the Amazon. It took more than three years and the interplay of multiple actors and factors to achieve a definitive peace agreement, thus ending what had been the region's oldest unresolved border dispute. This conflict and its resolution provide insights about other unresolved and/or disputed land and sea boundaries which involve almost every country in the Western Hemisphere. Drawing on extensive field research at the time of the dispute and during its aftermath, including interviews with high-ranking diplomats and military officials,Power, Institutions, and Leadership in War and Peaceis the first book-length study to relate this complex border dispute and its resolution to broader theories of conflict. The findings emphasize an emerging leadership approach in which individuals are not mere captives of power and institutions. In addition, the authors illuminate an overlap in national and international arenas in shaping effective articulation, perception, and selection of policy. In the \"new\" democratic Latin America that emerged in the late 1970s through the early 1990s, historical memory remains influential in shaping the context of disputes, in spite of presumed U.S. post-Cold War influence. This study offers important, broader perspectives on a hemisphere still rife with boundary disputes as a rising number of people and products (including arms) pass through these borderlands.

In January 1995, fighting broke out between Ecuadorian and Peruvian military forces in a remote section of the Amazon. It took more than three years and the interplay of multiple actors and factors to achieve a definitive peace agreement, thus ending what had been the region's oldest unresolved border dispute. This conflict and its resolution provide insights about other unresolved and/or disputed land and sea boundaries which involve almost every country in the Western Hemisphere. Drawing on extensive field research at the time of the dispute and during its aftermath, including interviews with high-ranking diplomats and military officials, Power, Institutions, and Leadership in War and Peace is the first book-length study to relate this complex border dispute and its resolution to broader theories of conflict. The findings emphasize an emerging leadership approach in which individuals are not mere captives of power and institutions. In addition, the authors illuminate an overlap in national and international arenas in shaping effective articulation, perception, and selection of policy. In the “new” democratic Latin America that emerged in the late 1970s through the early 1990s, historical memory remains influential in shaping the context of disputes, in spite of presumed U.S. post–Cold War influence. This study offers important, broader perspectives on a hemisphere still rife with boundary disputes as a rising number of people and products (including arms) pass through these borderlands.

Emergency Politics in the Third Wave of Democracy provides a comprehensive description and analysis of the ongoing-though varied-use of regimes of exception in Bolivia, Ecuador, and Peru. It identifies the implications of regimes of exception for democratic consolidation according to their use in practice.

The contours of the collective action necessary to limit climate change remain difficult to discern. In this context, societal corporatist political processes, fueled by crisis narratives, have shown some promise as political devices for mobilizing people. Corporatist processes have, historically, brought political competitors like employers and labor unions together to negotiate compacts that have advanced collective goods during times of crisis. In response to the climate crisis in the Global South, affluent donor groups, state officials, some farmers, and indigenous peoples have begun to assemble corporatist-like coalitions to pursue climate stabilization. A comparative case study of efforts to promote sustainable cattle ranching through the spread of silvopastoral landscapes in Colombia and Ecuador illustrates this political dynamic, its shortcomings, and its accomplishments.

Background Using an online questionnaire capturing the immediate economic and social effects of the Russia-Ukraine war. The study assesses the topics of more profound concern for university students and the variation of economic attitudes related to their socio-demographic variables. Methods Three hundred eighty-five participants, between 18 and 22 years of age, 49% female, leads us to identify significant differences by sex and economic status related to the stock crash, inflation, corruption, and poverty perceptions. However, the effect size and sampling could be improved. Results Kruskal-Wallis test confirms that the below-average economic status group feels more worried about higher inflation, while females tend to be more concerned about inflation, corruption, and poverty because of the conflict. Ordered logistic regression reveals that participants who express higher levels of concern regarding the impact of increased energy prices and poverty tend to exhibit greater overall worry. Conclusions Even though convenience sampling imposes constraints to extrapolate the results broadly, the research constitutes a benchmark for similar studies among Latin American and Caribbean countries since economic expectations and economic knowledge from citizens, applied in their decisions, play an essential role in national development.

By the time the English translation of Juan Bosch’s story “The Indelible Spot” was published in the Saturday Evening Post on November 16, 1963, his eight-month presidency was over. Bosch’s brief tenure was punctuated by growing unrest among Dominicans on the Left and mounting suspicion from those on the Right. Central to this tension was the question of his loyalties to US-style democracy, Soviet communism, and/or Castro’s Cuba. Against this backdrop, the tale of how his short story came to be translated and published is emblematic of the complex, contradictory, and confusing cultural and political discourses surrounding the future of the Dominican Republic within the sphere of US Cold War policies. Central to this analysis is the unique affiliation between two authors: Juan Bosch and John Bartlow Martin, the first US ambassador to the Dominican Republic after Trujillo’s assassination. Ultimately, the communiques and notes about the translation and two distinct versions of the final published story found in Martin’s papers at the Library of Congress reveal the ideological impasse between Cold War and Caribbean discourses of culture and power. Para cuando se publicó la traducción al inglés de la historia “The Indelible Spot”, el 16 de noviembre de 1963 en The Saturday Evening Post, ya Juan Bosch había culminado su octavo mes de mandato tras la caída de su gobierno. La efímera estancia en el poder de Bosch se dio por el malestar de los dominicanos de la izquierda y las sospechas de aquellos de la derecha. El punto central de esta tensión radicaba en la duda de su lealtad al estilo de democracia estadounidense, el comunismo soviético y/o la Cuba castrista. La condición en las que se logró la traducción y posterior publicación del relato de Bosch es emblemática y compleja debido a los discursos culturales y políticos contradictorios que rodeaban el futuro de la República Dominicana dentro de la esfera de las políticas estadounidenses en torno a la Guerra Fría. El tema central de este análisis corresponde a la afiliación única entre dos autores: Juan Bosch y John Bartlow Martin, el primer embajador estadounidense en la República Dominicana después del asesinato de Trujillo. Por último, los comunicados y las notas de la traducción y dos versiones distintas de la historia final publicada encontrados en documentos de Martin en la Biblioteca del Congreso revelan el impase ideológico entre la Guerra Fría y los discursos caribeños de la cultura y el poder.

The rise of leftist governments in the Americas and the adoption of policy initiatives contrary to U. S. interests highlight a disconnect in interamerican relations, which cannot be understood simply as U. S. \"neglect\" of Latin America. In contrast to arguments that attribute the deteriorating relations to U. S. preoccupation with the Middle East, the article examines whether the \"War on Terror\" acted as a guiding paradigm for the George W. Bush administration in Latin America. Opposition to this \"War on Terror\" paradigm was evident following Colombia's 2008 air strike in Ecuador. Justified as a preemptive strike against a terrorist threat, Colombia's action met regional condemnation. The article argues that this Colombia-Latin America division reflects a larger geostrategic disconnect, whereby the \"War on Terror\" is challenged, causing the increasing marginalization of Washington and resistance to U. S. policy.

This article challenges two prominent explanations for military behavior: militaries, like other bureaucracies, will seek to maximize their budgets; and in the interest of maintaining professionalism, militaries will perform sovereignty missions—external defense and counterinsurgency—more intensively than policing functions. Running counter to these expectations, since 2000, Ecuador's army has neglected its professional, lucrative mission of northern border defense, instead focusing on police work. The analysis applies organization theory to argue that the army's minimal border defense efforts have been a way to maintain predictability for patrols on the ground, the part of the army that most directly performs the army's core function of security. Specifically, the article traces how a contradiction has emerged in the army's border mission. The contradiction has meant anything but predictability for the work of troops patrolling the border, compromising the mission.

When a state of emergency in Ecuador's prison system was declared in 2007, municipal leaders in Guayaquil built the country's first “supermax” prison, La Roca, for the administrative segregation of inmates considered a security threat. I suggest that administrative curtailment of access to these so-called “worst of the worst” prisoners merits legal comparisons with the juridical status of detainees in US “black site” facilities, the inter-American drug wars now paralleling the global war on terror insofar as prisoners' rights are concerned. Contrasting my brief visit to La Roca with political-economic and media analysis, my article draws two conclusions: (1) that limited physical access to prisoners, stimulated by administrative “zones of legal silence”, demands an ethnographic focus on daily conditions of prison life using inconsistencies in administrative rhetoric; and (2) that measures to securitize the prison system have augmented prison directors' powers to coerce inmates and to confound understandings of their living conditions.

Despite the recent shift to democratic regimes and market-based economies, in many Latin American countries the military retains important economic roles as owner, manager, and stakeholder in economic enterprises. Such military entrepreneurship poses a challenge to the development of democratic civil-military relations and, by extension, to the development of liberal democracy in the region. While scholars have noted this situation with concern, they have given little attention to distinguishing the different types of military entrepreneurship, which reflect distinct historical patterns and implications. This article identifies two major types of military entrepreneurs in Latin America: industrializers, determined to build national defense capabilities and compete for international prestige; and nation builders, seeking to promote economic development that can foster social development and cohesion. Case studies of Argentina, Brazil, Cuba, and Ecuador demonstrate important differences between these two types in their origins, paths, and political consequences.