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The appeal of revolutionising urban governance through information technologies has prompted cities across the globe to pursue smart city initiatives. The mainstream scholarship on these initiatives has mostly focused on technology and corporate-led urban development, and it also often privileges the experience of cities in the global North. Nevertheless, this mainstream understanding of the smart city may obscure emerging new power dynamics and locally contextualised processes associated with smart urban development, especially in cities at the global periphery. Inspired by post-colonial theories, this article makes the case for ‘provincialising’ smart urbanism by dislodging technology from the centre of analysis, accentuating perspectives of cities outside the locations where the smart city knowledge is traditionally produced and attending to power relationships. In our case study of Taipei, this provincialising approach helps unveil various logics, intentionalities, assemblages and power dynamics through which the smart city is employed as a political strategy to facilitate urban regime transition. We argue that the current non-affiliated Ko administration exploits the veneer of technological superiority and political neutrality of its smart city agenda to set a new growth agenda, form new development coalitions, establish new institutions and incorporate rising populist momentum into policy-making. Focusing on the politics of being smart, our findings illustrate how smart city experiments reshape power dynamics and regime formation through reorganising actors and interest groups, reconfiguring government institutions, reallocating resource distribution and, in the end, bolstering governing legitimacy. 通过信息技术变革城市治理的吸引力促使全球各地的城市开展智慧城市计划。关于这些计划的主流学术研究主要集中在技术和企业主导的城市开发上，而且通常优先考虑全球北方城市的经验。然而，这种对智慧城市的主流认识可能会掩盖新出现的权力动态、以及与智慧城市开发相关的本地处境化过程，尤其是在全球边缘城市的这一过程。受后殖民理论的启发，本文不将技术作为分析的核心因素，而是强调传统上的智慧城市知识生产地点之外的城市的视角，并关注权力关系，从而为智慧城市的“地方化”辩护。在我们对台北的案例研究中，这种地方化的方法帮助我们揭示各种逻辑、刻意性、集合和权力动态，通过这些逻辑、刻意性、集合和权力动态，智慧城市被用作一种政治策略来促进城市体制的转变。我们认为，当前由无党籍的柯文哲领导的台北市政府利用其智慧城市议程的技术优势和政治中立的表象制定新的增长议程，形成新的发展联盟，建立新的机构，并将日益高涨的民粹主义势头纳入政策制定过程。我们的发现聚焦于智慧城市的政治方面，说明智慧城市实验如何通过重组行为者和利益集团、重新配置政府机构、重新分配资源以及最终增强治理合法性来重塑权力动态和体制结构。

Colonial heritage in China remains a contested and multifaceted subject, representing both a reminder of national humiliation by foreign powers and a resource for tourism and urban branding. Under the current leadership, the revival of cultural heritage has become increasingly aligned with narratives emphasising civilisational unity and nationalism, complicating the representation and utilisation of colonial remnants. This complexity is evident in the case of Qingdao’s old city centre. With its German colonial-era cobblestone streets and Art Nouveau architecture, it evokes a European rather than a Chinese urban landscape. For various urban actors, including the local government, the tourism sector, and local intellectuals, Qingdao’s colonial heritage represents a meaningful resource, albeit with divergent political and cultural rationales. This paper explores how these groups leverage and even celebrate Qingdao’s colonial heritage without contradicting the state-sanctioned narrative of ‘national humiliation’. They achieve this feat by framing the colonial past either as a neutral, fact-based history or as a marketable commodity, thus rendering it depoliticised and ahistorical. Ultimately, this paper sheds light on the broader status of postcolonial discourse in contemporary China, revealing how colonial legacies are navigated within the constraints of nationalistic narratives.

Humans and other animals often engage in multispecies relations that go beyond classical definitions of \"domestication,\" not least because there are political dimensions to those relations. External interference with human-animal relationships has notably been part of indigenous experiences of colonialism and postcolonialism. I examine here changes in the triangular relationship between humans, dogs, and pigs among the indigenous Seejiq Truku of Taiwan. Dogs, as hunting companions, are traditionally associated with men's work; pigs, used in ancestral sacrifices, are aligned with women's work. Pigs are mediators with the spirit world, as ancestor spirits respond to regular pig sacrifices by providing prey to hunters. Dogs are important as hunting companions that make it possible to catch boars and other animals. These human-animal relations have undergone change because of the integration of the Seejiq into new markets, the state, and legal regulations about both hunting and the keeping of animals. Human-animal relations also articulate with dynamics of gender and class in a changing political economy. The Seejiq frame their intrahuman and interspecies relations in terms of Gaya, their sacred ancestral law. By affirming the value of their particular type of multispecies community, the Seejiq demonstrate resilience and a strong defense of sovereignty. Pnegluban seejiq ni kana samat o saw bi tkrakaw sun imi \"nguciq,\" aji asaw quri pnegluban quri kmlawa ka nii. Qarat paah ngangut saw pnegluban seejiq ni samat nii o kibi saw niqan cih rutut na quri saw yahan kmnlawa seejiq ni kbukuy yahan kmnlawa seejiq. Qtaun mu hini o, tru pnegluban quri seejiq, huling, ni babuy mniq alang Truku Teywan hini. Huling o, ida tuhuy snaw musa maduk tkjiyax; babuy do o, duhuy kkuyuh musa bi thmuku rudan sbiyaw. Babuy o, mniq kska seejiq ni utux, kibi dmka saw muway samat seejiq maduk ka utux rudan. Huling ka pusu balay, aji wana tuhuy seejiq nanak, asi ka smtama dhyaan musa maduk bowyak ni kana samat. Pnegluban seejiq ni kana samat ni o, wada kmpriyux da; yasa wada tmay burah alang ni kndsan ka seejiq ni kmbryux kana ka uda saw maduk uri da. Pnegluban seejiq ni kana samat o kibi saw rmngaw quri kmbriyux kkuyuh ni snaw aji uri o sblaiq ni qrinut babaw dxgan sayang. Seejiq o, rmlung saw quri pnegluban kska seejiq ni aji uri o pnegluban isil siida do, asi ka rmlung gaya rudan dha nanak. Saw ni qmita pusu malu kska alang ana manu o, pqtayun dha ka Ibay dha ni hlakkun dha bi ka saw quri brax dha. Los seres humanos y otros animales a menudo se involucran en relaciones con múltiples especies que van más allá de las definiciones clásicas de \"domesticación,\" en particular porque hay dimensiones políticas sobre estas relaciones. Interferencias externas con las relaciones humano-animal notablemente han sido parte de experiencias indígenas de colonialismo y postcolonialismo. Examino aquí los cambios en la relación triangular entre humanos, perros, y cerdos entre los indígenas Seejiq Truku de Taiwan. Los perros como compañeros de caza, son tradicionalmente asociados con el trabajo de los hombres; los cerdos, usados en sacrificios ancestrales, están alineados con el trabajo de las mujeres. Los cerdos son mediadores con el mundo espiritual, como espíritus ancestrales responden a sacrificios regulares de cerdos proporcionando presas a los cazadores. Los perros son importantes como compañeros de caza que hacen posible atrapar jabalíes, y otros animales. Estas relaciones humano-animal han experimentado cambios debido a la integración de los Seejiq en los nuevos mercados, el estado, y las regulaciones legales acerca tanto de la caza como la crianza de animales. Las relaciones humanoanimal también se articulan con las dinámicas de género y clase en una economía política cambiante. Los Seejiq enmarcan sus relaciones entre humanos y entre especies en términos de Gaya, su ley sagrada ancestral. Al ratificar el valor de su tipo particular de comunidad de múltiples especies, los Seejip demuestran resiliencia y una fuerte defensa de su soberanía.

Colonial relations have remained inspiring and vivid in the 21st century. They have provided powerful morale for the Taiwan Independence Movement. In the quest for independent statehood, Taiwan can easily see China's territorial ambition, economic invasion, and violation of liberalism. To regain selfrespect, the postcolonial elite could rely best and conveniently on the colonial modernity brought by Japan. This perspective enabled the persistence of the image of inferior China. However, a particular string in the postcolonial relations did not assume Chinese inferiority. Rather, self-reflection on one's practical conditions, which was independent from relations with China, inspired the effort to re-constitute Taiwan's identity. This string of thought is the Presbyterian Church. Contextual theology resulted from the critical reflection and determination emerged to guide the Church's subsequent approach to China. For the independence advocacy informed by colonial relations, the issue of human rights immediately suggests the image of inferior China. However, for the Church, the issue connotes a mission in China that the Church should have cared about equally. This construction of a non-inferior/threatening China is how religion has brought to the intellectual perspective of Taiwan independence.

As documented extensively, the academic publications and accomplishments of women scholars–particularly those from developing regions–are underrepresented in global and national literature, databases, and indices. This feminist biographical case study explores and makes visible the life and work of Panamanian Dr. Etilvia Arjona Chang and her global contribution to education research. This article describes her earlier decades devoted to expanding and modernizing the translation and interpretation (T&I) discipline worldwide. It also examines her development of Panama's first education research programs in later decades of her career and how her previous T&I experience provided the foundation for present-day Panamanian education research. This article presents her body of work along with its interdisciplinary theoretical and practical impact on multiple sub-disciplines. It positions the discussion within the historical context in which she lived, the prevailing realities governing education research at the time, and the sociopolitical environments where she worked. This study combines methodological elements of feminist biography, scholarly chronicle, and participant observation. It relies primarily on secondary research, supplemented with interviews of national and international key informants, as well as the author's personal involvement in collaborative initiatives in this field. It contributes to national and global knowledge production on the evolution of education research and simultaneously highlights the contribution of women scholars, detailing challenges and triumphs particular to women in academia in different countries of the world.

How might Science and Technology Studies learn more from the intersection between 'Western' and Other' forms of knowledge? In this article, we use Eduardo Viveiros de Castro's writing on equivocal translation to explore a moment of encounter in a Chinese Medical consultation in Taiwan in which a practitioner hybridizes Chinese Medicine and biomedicine. Our description is symmetrical, but creates a descriptive equivocation in which 'Western' analytical terms are used to describe a 'Chinese' medical reality. Drawing on the history of Chinese Medicine, we argue that the lauer is not analytical, but ' correlative' in a specifically 'Chinese' manner that explores patternings, flows, and propensities in local collections of things and symptoms. In particular, it both handles difference without seeking to unearth stable causal mechanisms and absorbs new elements including relevant features of biomedicine. We conclude by briefly considering the scope of a possible post-colonial and 'correlative' STS and show that a 'correlative' description of the same Chinese Medical consultation would differ markedly from one making use of 'Western' analytical assumptions.

This article examines the Chinese Nationalists' engagement with postcolonial Muslim states in the early years of the Cold War. It argues that the Nationalists extended support to Chinese Muslims to continue the ethnonationalist policies developed on the Chinese mainland before their retreat to Taiwan. The inclusion of non-Han citizens in their foreign diplomatic outreach was instrumental in projecting their claim to be the rightful government of China. Through outreach and deliberate political gestures like the construction of the Taipei Grand Mosque and the publication of a translation of the Qur'an, the Nationalists intended to reestablish links with Muslim allies and gain the support of Muslims worldwide for their efforts to retake the mainland. Starting with the opening of the mosque, the article uses outreach by the Chinese Muslim Association to postcolonial Muslim states in the 1950s and 1960s to tell a unique story about the Cold War in East Asia. The focus on Muslims recasts these actors as individuals who played an important role in shaping a postwar East Asian future.

In March 1979, Tuvalu’s government newspaper began an ongoing discussion of Tuvalu’s Asian diplomacy, highlighting the rapid development of relationships with East Asian nations like Taiwan shortly after Tuvalu’s independence in 1978. Contemporaneously, the Taiwan government began reporting on early diplomatic forays into Pacific nations, including Tuvalu. These newspaper and government reports are frequently characterized by a narrative style that suggests the complexities of Pacific-Asia relationships at the time and that provides a foundation from which more recent discourse on Tuvalu-Taiwan relations can be contextualized. In this paper, I adopt a Pacific studies rationale, articulation theory, and discourse analysis. I examine official Tuvaluan and Taiwanese narratives from the 1970s and 1980s to demonstrate how early diplomacy was determined not by official maneuvering but by preexisting trans-local connections. Subsequently, in analyzing Tuvaluan and Taiwanese leadership statements from 2000 to the present, I sketch how, more recently, Tuvalu and Taiwan have used each other to shape their national identities. However, I also highlight connections to earlier narratives, especially tension in Tuvaluan discourse due to fisheries conflicts with Taiwan and preoccupation in Taiwanese discourse regarding whether Taiwan is superior to Tuvalu. Finally, I demonstrate how articulations between early narratives and more recent discourse foreground Tuvaluan and Pacific agency and complicate assumed Asia-Pacific power hierarchies.

The disappearance of references to \"Yadong,\" Asia's East or Asiatic East, as opposed to East Asia, in Taiwan's post-World War II (WWII) political history presaged the impracticality of decolonization in Taiwan. The Cold War, pertaining especially to the American intellectual intervention in the conceptualization of the world through the fault line of its containment policy, contributed greatly to the substitution of East Asia for Yadong. I argue that Yadong is a geocultural lens, while East Asia connotes strategic purposes of various kinds. The latter concept echoed the discourse of the \"Great East Asian Co-prosperity Sphere,\" which colonial Japan relied on before and during WWII to justify colonialism as well as expansion. The familiar discourse of decolonization embedded in \"strategic essentialism,\" i.e. deliberate use of some fundamentalism for the occasion of resistance, reproduces the colonizing/colonized binary. I re-theorize decolonization as a relational project. Empirically the intellectual demise of Yadong as a relational discourse accompanied the evolution of the Cold War. Yadong's disappearance indirectly testifies to the fate of decolonization in Taiwan.