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This volume focuses on the reception of antiquity in the performing and visual arts from the Renaissance to the twenty-first century. It explores the tensions and relations of gender, sexuality, eroticism and power in reception. Such universal themes dictated plots and characters of myth and drama, but also served to portray historical figures, events and places from Classical history. Their changing reception and reinterpretation across time has created stereotypes, models of virtue or immoral conduct, that blend the original features from the ancient world with a diverse range of visual and performing arts of the modern era. The volume deconstructs these traditions and shows how arts of different periods interlink to form and transmit these images to modern audiences and viewers. Drawing on contributions from across Europe and the United States, a trademark of the book is the inclusive treatment of all the arts beyond the traditional limits of academic disciplines.

The French Revolution of 1789 altered the face of power and the institutions it inhabited in France, and the aftershocks of this seismic change rippled throughout the nineteenth century. With power changing hands between monarchy, empires and republics in quick succession, the nature of power, both personal and political, and institutions, both real and metaphorical, was constantly being redefined, argued over and fought for. This volume provides innovative analyses of nineteenth-century power relations in France across a series of interlinked spheres: artistic, literary, cultural, political, scientific and topographical. Its seventeen chapters trace the direct impact of politics and the shifting power of regimes on the creative arts, and explore power relations in a wide range of contexts including novels, sculpture, painting, education, religion, science, museums and exhibitions across a wide geographical area from Paris to the provinces, southern France and the colonies. The contributors, all experts in their fields, assess the evolving relationship between institutions and power in nineteenth-century France, exploring how the nation debates its past, negotiates its present and, as the foundation of the Third Republic ushers in a period of relative stability, sets about creating its common future.

Der Tagungsband widmet sich den Bedeutungsverschiebungen, Umbrüchen, Geltungsverlusten und -gewinnen im Zusammenspiel unterschiedlicher Wahrnehmungen von einer \"Natur\" guten Herrschens. Im Zentrum stehen die in vormodernen Gesellschaften ausgeprägten Strategien zur Legitimierung bzw. Delegitimierung politischer Amtsträger anhand wiederkehrender, als \"natürlich\" konzipierter Kriterien der Herausgehobenheit und Führungsqualifikation.

Der Tagungsband widmet sich den Bedeutungsverschiebungen, Umbrüchen, Geltungsverlusten und -gewinnen im Zusammenspiel unterschiedlicher Wahrnehmungen von einer \"Natur\" guten Herrschens.Im Zentrum stehen die in vormodernen Gesellschaften ausgeprägten Strategien zur Legitimierung bzw.

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to discuss South Africa’s trajectory of socio-economic development since the advent of democracy a quarter century ago. This is done through a critical discussion and review of major policy interventions that have been implemented to achieve the goal of racial justice. The author argues that while the advent of democracy brought about significant opportunities for social justice, socio-economic development in South Africa has been characterised by increasing wealth and income inequality, which has undermined the cause of racial justice. The key argument the author advances in the paper is that the decline in the power resources of the working class and the poor accounts for the neoliberal turn in economic policy in South Africa. Design/methodology/approach The paper relies on primary policy documents of the government and on primary political and policy documents of the African National Congress and its political allies such as the Congress of South African Trade Unions and the South African Communist Party. The author also reviews the extensive literature on the subject of development policymaking in the new South Africa. Findings The main finding is that the advent of democracy a quarter century ago and the policy interventions by the government have brought about social progress in some areas. However, the colonial and apartheid domination still shapes access to social-economic opportunities in South Africa. In anything, income and wealth inequality has increased since 1994. The goal of racial justice appears far from being achieved. Research limitations/implications The key implication arising from the research is that strengthening political organisations of the working class and the poor is critical to attaining the goal of social equity. This is particularly true in a context where elite interests in the state and the corporate sector have been ascendant for the past two decades. Originality/value What is original about the paper is that it is one of the first papers that assess the progress that has made in bringing about racial justice 25 years after the advent of democracy in South Africa. Furthermore, the paper uses the power resources theory to explain the dearth of pro-poor social reform in South Africa. This is a departure from the dominant approach, which explains the adoption of neoliberalism in South Africa as either inevitable due to poor economic performance or an outcome of the sell-out by the ANC political elite.

Objective. This article examines the characteristics of the decadal strategy surveys in the space sciences that have made them so successful, the ways in which that success has been manifested, and the extent to which the process might be adopted by other scientific fields. Methods. The research draws on available documents (including both contemporary and archival records as well as the author.s personal notes for the period 1980.2012). A key aspect of the research utilizes interviews with approximately 50 current and former government officials and nongovernment scientists who played key roles in the decadal survey process from the 1970s to the present. Results. There is probably no space science advisory product that has earned the attention and reputation, year after year, or had an impact to rival that of the National Research Council decadal science strategy surveys. Both government officials and members of the scientific community view those advisory studies as the premier mechanisms for gaining insight into strategic priorities for their fields. Conclusions. The success of the decadal surveys in selling priorities for the space sciences to both the executive branch and Congress has been mainly due to four factors: (1) broad community participation and consensus, (2) a foundation built on fundamental scientific goals, (3) translation of the goals into rank-ordered program priorities, and (4) consideration of strategic approaches for dealing with unforeseen problems. Other agencies and scientific communities outside the space sciences would need to be willing and able to commit the time, energy, and resources to embrace all four attributes if they wish to successfully adopt the decadal survey process.

In Brazil, the 2016 coup against Dilma Rousseff and the Worker's Party (PT), and the subsequent jailing of former PT President Luis Ignacio da Silva (Lula), laid the groundwork for the 2018 election of ultra-conservative Jair Bolsonaro. In the perfect storm leading up to the coup, the conservative elite drew on deep-seated misogynist discourses to oust Dilma Rousseff, Brazil's progressive first woman president, and the Worker's Party she represented. Imprisoning Lula and preventing him from running solidified the effects of the coup and opened the field to the right wing. In this article, we track the roots of the elite's 2016 power grab back to colonization and through various stages of Brazil's political history. Tracing the contours of women's movements alongside this history of domination reveals both the configurations of feminist agendas in Brazil and transformations of power. We draw on our experiences as scholars and activists to argue that Brazil's current crisis has created an opportunity for solidarity that has drawn academic and activist feminists closer. Namely, amidst this crisis, we see a coming together of various women's movements including Afro-Brazilian women, peasant women, indigenous women, and student groups. The unity among movements is made evident through the 2017 Women's Worlds March for Rights, which the authors of this paper organized and attended, as well as #EleNao and 8M. In post-coup Brazil and throughout Latin America, women have been the face of the resistance to an encroaching fascism; this battle will require sustained opposition and continued deepening of solidarities.

This article constitutes the introduction to this special issue. It critically reviews the literature on leaders and foreign policy and considers the possibility that leaders might matter more in the case of Chinese foreign policy. In addition, it examines some of the, often erroneous, judgments that have been made about the power of Chinese policymakers, focusing on uncertainties relating to the power of Chinese President Xi Jinping, whose actual power continues to be a subject of considerable debate. Furthermore, it recommends some metrics that might be used to more systematically evaluate the power of Chinese elites. Beyond this, it summarizes the articles in the special issue and what they say about the issue of China’s leadership transition and Chinese foreign policy. It concludes with some theoretical and policy conclusions and identifies some avenues for further research.

Comparative philology was one of the most prolific fields of knowledge in the humanities during the 19th century. Based on the discovery of the Indo-European language family, it seemed to admit the reconstruction of a common history of European languages, and even mythologies, literatures, and people. However, it also represented a way to establish geographies of belonging and difference in the context of 19th century nation-building and identity politics. In spite of a widely acknowledged consensus about the principles and methods of comparative philology, the results depended on local conditions and practices. If Scandinavians were considered to be Germanic or not, for example, was up to identity politics that differed in Berlin, Strasbourg, Copenhagen and Paris. The contributors here elaborate these dynamics through analyses of the changing and conflicting versions of imaginative geographies that the actors of comparative philology evoked by using Scandinavian literatures and cultures. They also show how these seemingly delocalized scientific models depended on ever-different local needs and practices. Through this, the book represents the first distinctly transnational dynamic geography and history of the philological knowledge of the North - not only as a history of a scientific discourse, but also as a result of doing and performing scientific work.

This article draws on Party and government documents, Chinese-language books and articles, interviews and firsthand observation, and electoral outcome data to contribute to the emerging literature on the changing role of people's congresses in mainland China. It focuses on the crucially important but neglected relationship between local congresses and local Communist Party committees in the selection of congress and government leaders. It analyses the 1995 reforms to Party regulations and the law, which resulted in electoral losses of more than 17,000 Communist Party candidates in the first set of elections after 1995. It concludes that the reforms created the conditions for local congress delegates to matter – and delegates responded. More broadly, it concludes that congressional assertiveness has significant (although not radical) implications for the relationship between the congresses and Party committees. The winners in the broader (not narrowly electoral) sense of the term are both the congresses and the ruling Communist Party, strengthened as an organization with selection of leaders opened up to more players.