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Elections in Australia, Ireland, and Malta under the single transferable vote
The Single Transferable Vote, or STV, is often seen in very positive terms by electoral reformers, yet relatively little is known about its actual workings beyond one or two specific settings. This book gathers leading experts on STV from around the world to discuss the examples they know best, and represents the first systematic cross-national study of STV. Furthermore, the contributors collectively build an understanding of electoral systems as institutions embedded within a wider social and political context, and begins to explain the gap between analytical models and the actual practice of elections in Australia, Ireland, and Malta. Rather than seeing electoral institutions in purely mechanical terms, the collection of essays in this volume shows that the effects of electoral system may be contingent rather than automatic. On the basis of solid empirical evidence, the volume argues that the same political system can, in fact, have quite different effects under different conditions.
Contributors to the volume are Shaun Bowler, David Farrell, Michael Gallagher, Bernard Grofman, Wolfgang Hirczy, Colin Hughes, J. Paul Johnston, Michael Laver, Malcom Mackerras, Michael Maley, Michael Marsh, Ian McAllister, and Ben Reilly.
Shaun Bowler is Professor of Political Science, University of California, Riverside. Bernard Grofman is Professor of Political Science, University of California, Irvine.
eBook
Classification of preferential ballot voting methods
We examine 17 preferential ballot voting methods using three criteria: (1) mathematical properties, (2) game-theoretic considerations, and (3) practical real-world outcomes. The challenge of comparing and contrasting the real-world outcomes of different voting methods is the sheer number of possible elections that can exist. We combat this challenge by introducing a new way of visualizing outcomes in what we dub a “DNA sequence” for each voting method.
Journal Article
The major parties lock down their cartel
Senate reform is in the interests of the major parties, but against the interests of democracy, argues Simon Breheny.
Journal Article
Is Regional Animus in Decline in Korea? A Test of the Generational Difference and Geographical Mobility Hypothesis
Since the 1987 democratic reform, regional attitudes toward the two southern provinces have been regarded as the most significant determinant of South Korean voters' political preferences. In recent years, however, many scholars have speculated that regional animus is losing its ground
as a basis for political judgment and will eventually be replaced by other politically relevant factors such as political ideology and issue preference. Others raise questions about the validity of this kind of \"revisionist\" argument, noting that election outcomes remain regionally divided.
Adopting the implicit association test (IAT) as a measure of regional attitudes, we provide an empirical test to measure the effects of the emergence of new generations and geographical mobility in South Korean voters' regional attitudes. Our results show that younger Korean voters are less
regionally biased toward either of the two southern provinces. The only exception was the younger generation in the Honam region: they held even higher levels of animus toward Yeongnam than their older counterparts. Geographical mobility also seems to decrease regional bias. Those who have
relocated to other provinces showed less regional bias when compared with the natives of Yeongnam and Honam still residing in their respective regions. Likewise, our results show that the inter-generational transfer of regional animus is not overwhelming. For the descendants of Yeongnam or
Honam natives residing in another province, their family's region of origin mattered little. In short, our findings suggest that changing generational composition and geographical mobility are likely to lessen the severity of regional animus and the political significance of regional attitudes
will wane.
Journal Article
Women's representation and electoral system reform in Papua New Guinea: The limitations of limited preferential voting
Papua New Guinea moved to a limited preferential voting (LPV) system prior to the 2007 national election. The shift from first-past-the-post to preferential voting was intended to encourage the election of candidates with broader mandates from constituents; to reverse the trend of increasing election-related violence; and to lead to more cooperation between candidates and voting blocs. It was also anticipated that instituting a preferential system would increase the electoral chances of female candidates. This article looks at the impact of the LPV system on women's participation and performances as candidates in Papua New Guinean elections since 2002, focusing in particular on the three general elections in 2007, 2012 and 2017. It argues that the benefits of LPV have not outweighed its costs, at least in terms of women's participation and representation. This demonstrates the limits of institutional reform of this nature in tackling deep-seated issues relating to political culture.
Journal Article
The major parties lock down their cartel
On Sep 7, 2013, Australians voted for minor and micro party candidates in greater numbers than they had ever done before. This was particularly pronounced in Senate voting, where 23% of the electorate opted to vote for candidates and parties other than the 'big three' -- the Coalition, Labor and the Greens. The result of these voting patterns has been the election of a substantial number of crossbench senators. Three Palmer United Party senators, one Family First senator, one Australian Motoring Enthusiast Party senator and one Liberal Democratic Party senator took seats in the new senate from July 1. Every party that wins seats in the senate is assisted by preference flows. At the 2013 federal election, the Liberal/National Coalition received 37.7% of the primary vote. Optional preferential voting is the single greatest reform that could be made to resolve many of the issues surrounding the federal election in 2013.
Journal Article
Election 2007
Papua New Guinea’s general election in 2007 attracted particular interest for several reasons. Not only did it follow what was widely acknowledged as the country’s worst election ever, in 2002 (in which elections in six of the country’s 109 electorates were declared to be ‘failed elections’), it was the first general election to be held under a new limited preferential voting system. It also followed the first full parliamentary term under the Organic Law on the Integrity of Political Parties and Candidates, which had been introduced in 2001 in an attempt to strengthen political parties and create a greater degree of stability in the national parliament, and was the first to embrace a ‘whole-of-government’ approach to electoral administration, through an Interdepartmental Electoral Committee. This volume provides an analysis of the 2007 election, drawing on the work of a domestic monitoring team organized through the National Research Institute, and several visiting scholars. It addresses key issues such as voter education, electoral administration, election security, the role of political parties, women as candidates and voters, the shift to limited preferential voting, and HIV transmission, and provides detailed accounts of the election in a number of open and provincial electorates. It is generally agreed that the election of 2007 was an improvement on that of 2002. But problems of electoral administration and voting behaviour remain. These are identified in this volume, and recommendations made for electoral reform.
eBook
Election 2007
Papua New Guinea’s general election in 2007 attracted particular interest for several reasons. Not only did it follow what was widely acknowledged as the country’s worst election ever, in 2002 (in which elections in six of the country’s 109 electorates were declared to be ‘failed elections’), it was the first general election to be held under a new limited preferential voting system. It also followed the first full parliamentary term under the Organic Law on the Integrity of Political Parties and Candidates, which had been introduced in 2001 in an attempt to strengthen political parties and create a greater degree of stability in the national parliament, and was the first to embrace a ‘whole-of-government’ approach to electoral administration, through an Interdepartmental Electoral Committee. This volume provides an analysis of the 2007 election, drawing on the work of a domestic monitoring team organized through the National Research Institute, and several visiting scholars. It addresses key issues such as voter education, electoral administration, election security, the role of political parties, women as candidates and voters, the shift to limited preferential voting, and HIV transmission, and provides detailed accounts of the election in a number of open and provincial electorates. It is generally agreed that the election of 2007 was an improvement on that of 2002. But problems of electoral administration and voting behaviour remain. These are identified in this volume, and recommendations made for electoral reform.
eBook