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Objective To assess the effectiveness of a traditional birth attendant (TBA) referral program on increasing the number of deliveries overseen by skilled birth attendants (SBA) in rural Kenyan health facilities before and after the implementation of a free maternity care policy. Methods In a rural region of Kenya, TBAs were recruited to educate pregnant women about the importance of delivering in healthcare facilities and were offered a stipend for every pregnant woman whom they brought to the healthcare facility. We evaluated the percentage of prenatal care (PNC) patients who delivered at the intervention site compared with the percentage of PNC patients who delivered at rural control facilities, before and after the referral program was implemented, and before and after the Kenya government implemented a policy of free maternity care. The window period of the study was from July of 2011 through September 2013, with a TBA referral intervention conducted from March to September 2013. Results The absolute increases from the pre-intervention period to the TBA referral intervention period in SBA deliveries were 5.7 and 24.0 % in the control and intervention groups, respectively ( p  < 0.001). The absolute increases in SBA delivery rates from the pre-intervention period to the intervention period before the implementation of the free maternity care policy were 4.7 and 17.2 % in the control and intervention groups, respectively ( p  < 0.001). After the policy implementation the absolute increases from pre-intervention to post-intervention were 1.8 and 11.6 % in the control and intervention groups, respectively ( p  < 0.001). Conclusion The percentage of SBA deliveries at the intervention health facility significantly increased compared to control health facilities when TBAs educated women about the need to deliver with a SBA and when TBAs received a stipend for bringing women to local health facilities to deliver. Furthermore, this TBA referral program proved to be far more effective in the target region of Kenya than a policy change to provide free obstetric care.

Insurance coverage for prenatal care, labor and delivery care, and postpartum care for undocumented immigrants consists of a patchwork of state and federal policies, which varies widely by state. According to federal law, states must provide coverage for labor and delivery through Emergency Medicaid. Various states have additional prenatal and postpartum coverage for undocumented immigrants through policy mechanisms such as the Children’s Health Insurance Program’s “unborn child” option, expansion of Medicaid, and independent state-level mechanisms. Using a search of state Medicaid and federal government websites, we found that 27 states and the District of Columbia provide additional coverage for prenatal care, postpartum care, or both, while 23 states do not. Twelve states include any postpartum coverage; 7 provide coverage for 12 months postpartum. Although information regarding coverage is available publicly online, there exist many barriers to access, such as lack of transparency, lack of availability of information in multiple languages, and incorrect information. More inclusive and easily accessible policies are needed as the first step toward improving maternal health among undocumented immigrants, a population trapped in a complicated web of immigration policy and a maternal health crisis. ( Am J Public Health. 2024;114(10):1051–1060. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2024.307750 )

In the United States, women are routinely forced to undergo cesarean sections, episiotomies, and the use of forceps, despite their desire to attempt natural vaginal delivery. Yet, the current American legal system does little to provide redress for women coerced to undergo certain medical procedures during childbirth. Courts and physicians alike are prepared to override a woman's choice of childbirth procedure if they believe this choice poses risks to the fetus, and both give little value to the woman's right to bodily autonomy. This Note proposes a solution for addressing the problem of coerced medical procedures during childbirth by importing a framework created in Venezuela and Argentina that characterizes this issue as \"obstetric violence.\" First, this Note contains an overview of the shortcomings of the existing American legal framework to address the problem. Second, it explains the advantages of the obstetric violence framework and argues that its adoption in the United States would address many of the failures of the existing system. And third, this Note introduces a few legislative and litigation strategies that can be used to implement this framework in the United States and briefly addresses some of the challenges these strategies may pose.

Background Legal and social changes mean that information sharing and consent in antenatal and intrapartum settings is contentious, poorly understood and uncertain for healthcare professionals. This study aimed to investigate healthcare professionals’ views and experiences of the consent process in antenatal and intrapartum care. Methods Qualitative research performed in a large urban teaching hospital in London. Fifteen healthcare professionals (obstetricians and midwives) participated in semi-structured in-depth interviews. Data were collectively analysed to identify themes in the experiences of the consent process. Results Three themes were identified: (1) Shared decision-making and shared responsibility –engaging women in dialogue is often difficult and, even when achieved, women are not always able or do not wish to share responsibility for decisions (2) Second-guessing women – assessing what is important to a woman is inherently difficult so healthcare professionals sometimes feel forced to anticipate a woman’s views (3) Challenging professional contexts – healthcare professionals are disquieted by consent practice in the Labour ward setting which is often at odds with legal and professional guidance. Conclusions Results suggest that there is a mismatch between what is required of healthcare professionals to effect an antenatal or intrapartum consent process concordant with current legal and professional guidance and what can be achieved in practice. If consent, as currently articulated, is to remain the barometer for current practice, healthcare professionals need more support in ways of enabling women to make decisions which healthcare professionals feel confident are autonomous whatever the circumstances of the consultation.

Objective To measure the proportion of women screened for IPV during prenatal care; to assess the predictors of prenatal IPV screening. Methods We use the CDC’s 2012 Pregnancy Risk Assessment Monitoring System, representative of births in 24 states and New York City (N = 28,581). We calculated descriptive and logistic regressions, weighted to deal with state-clustered observations. Results 49.2% of women in our sample reported being screened for IPV while pregnant. There were higher screening rates among women of color, and those who had not completed high school, never been married, received WIC benefits, initiated prenatal care in the first trimester, and were publicly insured. State screening rates varied (29.9–62.9%). Among states, mandated perinatal depression screening or training was positively associated with IPV screening. 3.6% of women in our sample reported prenatal IPV but were not screened during pregnancy. Conclusions for Practice Current efforts have not led to universal screening. We need to better understand when and why providers do not screen pregnant patients for IPV.

Background An estimated 30 million women give birth annually in malaria endemic areas of sub-Saharan Africa. Malaria in pregnancy is associated with an increased risk of adverse maternal and infant outcomes. To combat the adverse effects of MiP, the World Health Organization (WHO) recommends the provision of intermittent preventive treatment in pregnancy with sulfadoxine–pyrimethamine (IPTp–SP) in areas of moderate to high malaria transmission. In 2012, the WHO updated its policy with respect to IPTp administration to recommend administration at each antenatal care visit in the second and third trimesters, with a minimum of three, rather than two, doses. While rapid improvements in coverage were expected, gains have occurred more slowly than anticipated. Methods The President’s Malaria Initiative (PMI) assessed IPTp uptake before and after countries implemented the new WHO policy, and assessed how long it took for implementation to occur, using a combination of data from household surveys, routine health management information systems, and programmatic data provided to PMI. Results It took an average of 2 years for countries to complete the process of revising their IPTp policies, and it was not until 2015 that all 17 PMI countries had updated their policies. Policy dissemination and training had not been completed in several countries as of early 2018, and only seven countries had fully implemented the new policy including updating their antenatal care registers to collect information on IPTp3+ coverage. The coverage of IPTp1+, 2+, and 3+ has increased by 19, 16, and 13 percentage points since the revised IPTp policy adoption. Discussion Overall, coverage of both IPTp2+ and IPTp3+ has improved in recent years. The change in policy from a minimum of two to a minimum of three doses has likely contributed to these improvements. Progress has been slow, likely related to the complicated process of policy adoption exacerbated by the lag in measurement through national household surveys. The impact of future policy changes may be more readily seen if the policy change and implementation process were more streamlined and coordinated between key stakeholders (National Malaria Control Programmes and Reproductive Health Programmes), with more real-time data reporting.

Little research has explored relationships between prenatal substance use policies and rates of maternal mortality across all 50 states, despite evidence that prenatal substance use elevates risk of maternal death. This study, utilizing publicly available data, revealed that state-level mandated testing laws predicted maternal mortality after controlling for population characteristics.

Background Uptake rates for Down syndrome screening in the Netherlands are low compared to other European countries. To investigate the low uptake, we explored women’s reasons for participation and possible influences of national healthcare system characteristics. Dutch prenatal care is characterised by an approach aimed at a low degree of medicalisation, with pregnant women initially considered to be at low risk. Prenatal screening for Down syndrome is offered to all women, with a ‘right not to know’ for women who do not want to be informed on this screening. At the time this study was performed, the test was not reimbursed for women aged 35 and younger. Methods We conducted a qualitative study to explore reasons for participation and possible influences of healthcare system characteristics. Data were collected via ten semi-structured focus groups with women declining or accepting the offer of Down syndrome screening ( n  = 46). All focus groups were audio- and videotaped, transcribed verbatim, coded and content analysed. Results Women declining Down syndrome screening did not consider Down syndrome a condition severe enough to justify termination of pregnancy. Young women declining felt supported in their decision by perceived confirmation of their obstetric caregiver and reassured by system characteristics (costs and age restriction). Women accepting Down syndrome screening mainly wanted to be reassured or be prepared to care for a child with Down syndrome. By weighing up the pros and cons of testing, obstetric caregivers supported young women who accepted in the decision-making process. This was helpful, although some felt the need to defend their decision to accept the test offer due to their young age. For some young women accepting testing, costs were considered a disincentive to participate. Conclusions Presentation of prenatal screening affects how the offer is attended to, perceived and utilised. By offering screening with age restriction and additional costs, declining is considered the preferred choice, which might account for low Dutch uptake rates. Autonomous and informed decision-making in Down syndrome screening should be based on the personal interest in knowing the individual risk of having a child with Down syndrome and system characteristics should not influence participation.

Background Vulnerable populations such as people with refugee backgrounds are at increased risk of poor oral health. Given that maternal characteristics play a significant role in the development of dental caries in children, antenatal care offers an opportunity to both provide information to women about the importance of maternal oral health and accessing dental care. Although pregnant women are recognised for ‘priority’ care under Victorian state-government policy, rarely do they attend. This study aims to describe Afghan and Sri Lankan women’s knowledge and beliefs surrounding maternal oral health, barriers to accessing dental care during pregnancy, and to present the perspectives of maternity and dental service providers in relation to dental care for pregnant women. Methods One agency comprising both dental and maternity services formed the setting for the study. Using participatory methods that included working with bicultural community workers, focus groups were conducted with Afghan and Sri Lankan refugee background participants. Focus groups were also completed with midwives and dental service staff. Thematic analysis was applied to analyse the qualitative data. Results Four community focus groups were conducted with a total of 14 Afghan women, eight Sri Lankan women, and three Sri Lankan men. Focus groups were also conducted with 19 dental staff including clinicians and administrative staff, and with ten midwives. Four main themes were identified: perceptions of dental care during pregnancy, navigating dental services, maternal oral health literacy and potential solutions. Key findings included women and men’s perception that dental treatment is unsafe during pregnancy, the lack of awareness amongst both the midwives and community members of the potential impact of poor maternal oral health and the overall lack of awareness and understanding of the ‘priority of access’ policy that entitles pregnant women to receive dental care cost-free. Conclusion This study highlights a significant policy-to-practice gap which if not addressed has the potential to widen oral health inequalities across the life-course. Stakeholders were keen to collaborate and support action to improve the oral health of mothers and their infants with the over-riding priority being to develop inter-service relationships to promote seamless access to oral health care.

This paper examines the practice implications of various state policies that provide publicly funded prenatal care to undocumented immigrants for health care workers who see undocumented patients. Data were collected through in-depth interviews with purposively sampled health care workers at safety net clinics in California, Maryland, Nebraska, and New York. Health care workers were asked about the process through which undocumented patients receive prenatal care in their health center and the ethical tensions and frustrations they encounter when providing or facilitating this care under policy restrictions. Respondents discussed several professional practice norms as well as the ethical tensions they encountered when policy or institutional constraints prevented them from living up to professional norms. Using Nancy Berlinger's “workarounds” framework, this paper examines health care workers' responses to the misalignment of their professional norms and the policy restrictions in their state. These findings suggest that the prenatal policies in each state raise ethical and professional challenges for the health care workers who implement them.